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Being very impressed with MacFarquhar's 'Origins' trilogy, I simply had to read the book he co-authored about the Cultural Revolution itself. It's widely considered to be *the* one-volume work on the subject, and it's not hard to see why. His mastery over sources is again obvious and it covers the entire decade in appropriate detail.
However, in contrast to his earlier work, 'Mao's Last Revolution' simultaneously manages to be less clear while also making use of a much narrowed vocabulary. It also adopts a tone which is more emotional than dispassionate and analytical, and does not have the same single-minded focus on elite political maneuvering as 'Origins' as it includes various anecdotes about the lives of average people (although this is to be expected when covering an event characterized by the mobilization of the masses). I don't know whether to attribute these changes simply to time or to the influence of his co-author, Michael Schoenhals.
I am also disappointed with some of the claims made about Mao personally; there is much reliance on the unreliable testimony of his doctor (who claims to have perfectly remembered the Chairman's utterances decades afterwards) as well as completely unsubstantiated accusations such as that on Page. 102 where Mao is quoted as praising violence for violence's sake and invoking Hitler which is cited like this: "From a very reliable source seen by one of the authors." One may as well say the quote came to them in a dream. Another patently ridiculous claim is that made on Page. 190 alleging Mao castigated his wife because of his 'patriarchal' attitude.
What the book did reveal quite plainly is the Chairman's Machiavellianism; it lays out in great detail his scheming both at the beginning and end of the Cultural Revolution. The reason presented for why Mao rehabilitated Deng Xiaoping in 1973 was interesting; in the aftermath of his great ideological campaign he wanted to provide the people a material improvement in their standard of living. He wanted Deng and Zhang Chunqiao to reconcile, and when this failed rather than give power directly to the radicals (which he knew would never be acceptable to the old guard) he handed it to a moderate beneficiary of the Cultural Revolution, Hua Guofeng, who was indebted to the campaign and who thus would have a reason to safeguard it's legacy. Yet the radicals continued to attack him and alienated the moderates, and were promptly removed.
It also reveals plainly why the post-Mao government declared the Cultural Revolution to be "responsible for the most severe setback and the heaviest losses suffered by the Party, the state and the people since the founding of the People’s Republic." It details how tens of thousands of homes of those with 'bourgeois' backgrounds were looted and goods worth 65 tons of gold were confiscated, how various historic sites were destroyed, how the education system was excessively politicized and how nearly 1/3rd of China's libraries which were open at its beginning were closed by the time it finished. Many thousands lost their lives in futile factional struggles, plan targets were consistently unfulfilled and it resulted in major shortages of consumer goods.
Yet, as Mao once opined, 'Out of bad things can come good things' for as MacFarquhar at the beginning of the book notes, among Sinologists "A common verdict is: no Cultural Revolution, no economic reform."
However, in contrast to his earlier work, 'Mao's Last Revolution' simultaneously manages to be less clear while also making use of a much narrowed vocabulary. It also adopts a tone which is more emotional than dispassionate and analytical, and does not have the same single-minded focus on elite political maneuvering as 'Origins' as it includes various anecdotes about the lives of average people (although this is to be expected when covering an event characterized by the mobilization of the masses). I don't know whether to attribute these changes simply to time or to the influence of his co-author, Michael Schoenhals.
I am also disappointed with some of the claims made about Mao personally; there is much reliance on the unreliable testimony of his doctor (who claims to have perfectly remembered the Chairman's utterances decades afterwards) as well as completely unsubstantiated accusations such as that on Page. 102 where Mao is quoted as praising violence for violence's sake and invoking Hitler which is cited like this: "From a very reliable source seen by one of the authors." One may as well say the quote came to them in a dream. Another patently ridiculous claim is that made on Page. 190 alleging Mao castigated his wife because of his 'patriarchal' attitude.
What the book did reveal quite plainly is the Chairman's Machiavellianism; it lays out in great detail his scheming both at the beginning and end of the Cultural Revolution. The reason presented for why Mao rehabilitated Deng Xiaoping in 1973 was interesting; in the aftermath of his great ideological campaign he wanted to provide the people a material improvement in their standard of living. He wanted Deng and Zhang Chunqiao to reconcile, and when this failed rather than give power directly to the radicals (which he knew would never be acceptable to the old guard) he handed it to a moderate beneficiary of the Cultural Revolution, Hua Guofeng, who was indebted to the campaign and who thus would have a reason to safeguard it's legacy. Yet the radicals continued to attack him and alienated the moderates, and were promptly removed.
It also reveals plainly why the post-Mao government declared the Cultural Revolution to be "responsible for the most severe setback and the heaviest losses suffered by the Party, the state and the people since the founding of the People’s Republic." It details how tens of thousands of homes of those with 'bourgeois' backgrounds were looted and goods worth 65 tons of gold were confiscated, how various historic sites were destroyed, how the education system was excessively politicized and how nearly 1/3rd of China's libraries which were open at its beginning were closed by the time it finished. Many thousands lost their lives in futile factional struggles, plan targets were consistently unfulfilled and it resulted in major shortages of consumer goods.
Yet, as Mao once opined, 'Out of bad things can come good things' for as MacFarquhar at the beginning of the book notes, among Sinologists "A common verdict is: no Cultural Revolution, no economic reform."