...
Show More
While written in, and responding to the racial matter circumstances of 1993, as the erudite and compassionate thinker, Cornel West, writes in his “new” Introduction to the 25th anniversary edition of Race Matters, published in 2017, “Twenty-five years ago I tried to lay bare the realities and challenges to American democracy in light of the doings and sufferings of Black people. And I reached heartbreaking yet hopeful conclusions. In our time, the heartbreak cuts much deeper and the hope has nearly run out.” He goes on to elaborate: “The nihilism in Black America has become a massive spiritual blackout in America. The undeniable collapse of integrity, honesty, and decency in our public and private life has fueled even more racial hatred and contempt.”
I’ve long respected the thinking and writing of Cornel West, even though I have been uncomfortable with his Christianity and “prophetic” talk. For years, I believed such elements distracted from his insightful and prescient analysis. I’ve softened over the years, and was moved by his framing of these major threads of his thinking in his recent conversation with Glenn Loury linked at the end of this review.
West speaks with a moral integrity all too lacking in American civil and political discourse – or what passes for such discourse. He rightfully sees and calls out the “normalizing of mendacity,” the cultural encouragement of “callousness and indifference” that makes “mean-spiritedness look manly and mature” and how we as a society “trump the moral and spiritual dimensions of our lives and world by applauding our short-term gains and superficial successes.” He writes: “Almost three decades since its uncontested claim of world-power status, America has followed the route of all empires in history: machismo might, insecure hysteria, and predictable hubris” and he correctly identifies race matters as an integral part “though not the sole part – of empire matters.”
He points to the neoliberal patronage system and seems to drop some buddhadharma when he speaks of what amounts to dependent origination when he writes: “The painful truth is there is no Donald Trump without Barack Obama, no neofascist stirrings without neoliberal policies…. Obama was the brilliant Black smiling face of the American Empire. Trump is the know-nothing white cruel face of the American Empire.” And this interdependence is not some racist backlash, but a class and economic one: “Obama did not produce Trump, but his Wall Street-friendly policies helped facilitate Trump’s pseudo-populist victory.”
As in his recent talk of “A Love Supreme,” I am particularly moved when he talks about the “prophetic fightback” against the American Empire as evidenced in the Black freedom struggle and situates it in the “moral and spiritual fortitude” of the Black musical tradition because it was my youthful exposure to what the AACM tagged “Great Black Music” that introduced me to the only nationalism that made sense to be: Black Nationalism. “The artistic excellence in the best of Black music…sets the standards for the Black freedom struggle. These standards consist of radical truth in love about one’s self and world, and the love of the truth as one freely speaks and lives.” AMEN!
West aims perhaps his strongest criticism at the weakness, cynicism, and opportunism at the current Black political leadership, and it’s hard to disagree especially when he recalls the great leaders of the past.
A survey of the chapter titles helps to contextualize his passionate plea and critique: Chapter One analyzes the conditions and expressions of “Nihilism in Black America” and offers a nuance that is sadly and tragically missing in today’s literal ‘black and white’ polarization: there are the liberal structuralists who fixate exclusively on the structural constraints on Black Americans against the conservative behaviorists who can only see the issue as one of Black social culture and behavior. This polarization gets anyone even suggesting that there are some elements of Black culture that work against the advancement of Black liberation labeled a racist while anyone suggesting there are structural, endemic conditions that constrain Black life as saying Blacks have no agency at all.
From this polarized duality, West offers a pathway out, though as he writes, there seems little hope of it being taken. First, there must be an acknowledgement that structures and behavior are inseparable and that “we should reject the idea that structures are primarily economic and political creatures” and recognize their cultural elements.
In Chapter Two, West outlines “The Pitfalls of Racial Reasoning” beginning with the “depressing feature of the Clarence Thomas Anita Hill hearings… that bespeaks a failure of nerve of black leadership.” He writes, as an example of said lack of nerve: “The very fact that no black leader could utter publicly that a black appointee for the Supreme Court was unqualified shows how captive they are to white racist stereotypes about black intellectual talent… The point is also that their silence reveals that black leaders may entertain the possibility that the racist stereotype may be true.” Here, West sounds most prescient as it has been pointed out by many that the current ‘woke’ anti-racism of people like Kendi is condescendingly paternalizing of Blacks by saying things like punctuality, correct math answers, and reason are aspects of White Supremacy; that expecting right mathematical answers from Black students is racist and that just showing an interest in learning should be enough!
From this, West focuses a chapter on “The Crisis of Black Leadership” and then “Demystifying the New Black Conservatism” where again West shows compassion and understanding even when he maintains his critical perspective. This too is something drastically lacking in today’s myopic and polarized situation. In Chapter Five West looks “Beyond Affirmative Action: Equality and Identity” where he writes that we need to move toward “class-based affirmative action.” Amazing that this was written in 1993 and yet recently the mayor of Oakland offered $500 to poor Blacks but specifically denied it to poor Whites. This too is part of the Kendian “anti-racist” model where discrimination against Whites is an acceptable and necessary “corrective” to racist policies against Blacks.
Chapter Six sheds light “On Black-Jewish Relations” while Chapter Seven looks toward “Black Sexuality: The Taboo Subject.” Both of these offer typical Westian analysis rich with the nuanced understanding we’ve come to expect from him. The last chapter is rousing and simply wonderful when West confronts “Malcom X and Black Rage.” Here, West circles back to his central “prophetic” theme as he says of Malcom X: “Malcolm X was the prophet of black rage primarily because of his great love for black people…. This is why Malcom X’s articulation of black rage was not directed first and foremost at white America. Rather, Malcolm believed that if black people felt the love that motivated that rage the love would produce a psychic conversion in black people; they would affirm themselves as human beings, no longer viewing their bodies, minds, and souls through white lenses, and believing themselves capable of taking control of their own destinies.” Here, West shows how Malcom X’s notion of “psychic conversion is an implicit critique of W. E. B. Du Bois’s idea of ‘double-consciousness.’” West says that this critique “contains some truth yet offers an inadequate alternative.” And it is this that West attempts to point toward in his work.
As I wrote above, I was moved and influenced as a young man by the idea of Black Nationalism as I learned about it from those involved in Great Black Music and in the work of Frank Kofsky, the author of Black Nationalism and the Revolution in Music. Yet, West offers this: “My point here is that a focus on the issues rightly targeted by black nationalists and an openness to the insights of black nationalists does not necessarily result in an acceptance of black nationalist ideology.”
West concludes by telling us that if we are to build upon the best of Malcolm X, we need to expand upon his notion of psychic conversion as we build and nurture networks and communities where “love, care, and concern can take root.” Here he mentions bell hooks and I am reminded of how hooks speaks of love not as a noun but as a verb; an action and how the Buddha would talk of “thoroughly set love going.”
Remembering that this passage was written in 1993, and that even West sees less hope available in today’s hyper-polarized “with us or against us” climate, I was still roused to an emotional response:
“I use the term ‘jazz’ here not so much as a term for a musical art form, as for a mode of being in the world, an improvisational mode of protean, fluid, and flexible dispositions toward reality suspicious of ‘either/or’ viewpoints, dogmatic pronouncements, or supremacist ideologies. To be a jazz freedom fighter is to attempt to galvanize and energize world-weary people into forms of organization with accountable leadership that promote critical exchange and broad reflection. The interplay of individuality and unity is not one of uniformity and unanimity imposed from above but rather of conflict among diverse groupings that reach a dynamic consensus subject to questioning and criticism. As with a soloist in a jazz…band, individuality is promoted in order to sustain and increase the creative tension with the group – a tension that yields higher levels of performance to achieve the aim of the collective project. This kind of critical and democratic sensibility flies in the face of any policing of borders and boundaries of ‘blackness,’ ‘maleness,’ ‘femaleness,’ or ‘whiteness.’"
WOW! And how truly heartbreakingly distant we seem in today’s dysfunctional identitarianism and polarization that pits illiberal Liberalism against neo-fascist authoritarian Conservatism. And yet, as West concludes, the future of this country may well depend upon us finding a way out of this nihilistic morass.
Here's the conversation between Cornel West and Glenn Loury with Teodros Kiros:
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=CXJHX...
I’ve long respected the thinking and writing of Cornel West, even though I have been uncomfortable with his Christianity and “prophetic” talk. For years, I believed such elements distracted from his insightful and prescient analysis. I’ve softened over the years, and was moved by his framing of these major threads of his thinking in his recent conversation with Glenn Loury linked at the end of this review.
West speaks with a moral integrity all too lacking in American civil and political discourse – or what passes for such discourse. He rightfully sees and calls out the “normalizing of mendacity,” the cultural encouragement of “callousness and indifference” that makes “mean-spiritedness look manly and mature” and how we as a society “trump the moral and spiritual dimensions of our lives and world by applauding our short-term gains and superficial successes.” He writes: “Almost three decades since its uncontested claim of world-power status, America has followed the route of all empires in history: machismo might, insecure hysteria, and predictable hubris” and he correctly identifies race matters as an integral part “though not the sole part – of empire matters.”
He points to the neoliberal patronage system and seems to drop some buddhadharma when he speaks of what amounts to dependent origination when he writes: “The painful truth is there is no Donald Trump without Barack Obama, no neofascist stirrings without neoliberal policies…. Obama was the brilliant Black smiling face of the American Empire. Trump is the know-nothing white cruel face of the American Empire.” And this interdependence is not some racist backlash, but a class and economic one: “Obama did not produce Trump, but his Wall Street-friendly policies helped facilitate Trump’s pseudo-populist victory.”
As in his recent talk of “A Love Supreme,” I am particularly moved when he talks about the “prophetic fightback” against the American Empire as evidenced in the Black freedom struggle and situates it in the “moral and spiritual fortitude” of the Black musical tradition because it was my youthful exposure to what the AACM tagged “Great Black Music” that introduced me to the only nationalism that made sense to be: Black Nationalism. “The artistic excellence in the best of Black music…sets the standards for the Black freedom struggle. These standards consist of radical truth in love about one’s self and world, and the love of the truth as one freely speaks and lives.” AMEN!
West aims perhaps his strongest criticism at the weakness, cynicism, and opportunism at the current Black political leadership, and it’s hard to disagree especially when he recalls the great leaders of the past.
A survey of the chapter titles helps to contextualize his passionate plea and critique: Chapter One analyzes the conditions and expressions of “Nihilism in Black America” and offers a nuance that is sadly and tragically missing in today’s literal ‘black and white’ polarization: there are the liberal structuralists who fixate exclusively on the structural constraints on Black Americans against the conservative behaviorists who can only see the issue as one of Black social culture and behavior. This polarization gets anyone even suggesting that there are some elements of Black culture that work against the advancement of Black liberation labeled a racist while anyone suggesting there are structural, endemic conditions that constrain Black life as saying Blacks have no agency at all.
From this polarized duality, West offers a pathway out, though as he writes, there seems little hope of it being taken. First, there must be an acknowledgement that structures and behavior are inseparable and that “we should reject the idea that structures are primarily economic and political creatures” and recognize their cultural elements.
In Chapter Two, West outlines “The Pitfalls of Racial Reasoning” beginning with the “depressing feature of the Clarence Thomas Anita Hill hearings… that bespeaks a failure of nerve of black leadership.” He writes, as an example of said lack of nerve: “The very fact that no black leader could utter publicly that a black appointee for the Supreme Court was unqualified shows how captive they are to white racist stereotypes about black intellectual talent… The point is also that their silence reveals that black leaders may entertain the possibility that the racist stereotype may be true.” Here, West sounds most prescient as it has been pointed out by many that the current ‘woke’ anti-racism of people like Kendi is condescendingly paternalizing of Blacks by saying things like punctuality, correct math answers, and reason are aspects of White Supremacy; that expecting right mathematical answers from Black students is racist and that just showing an interest in learning should be enough!
From this, West focuses a chapter on “The Crisis of Black Leadership” and then “Demystifying the New Black Conservatism” where again West shows compassion and understanding even when he maintains his critical perspective. This too is something drastically lacking in today’s myopic and polarized situation. In Chapter Five West looks “Beyond Affirmative Action: Equality and Identity” where he writes that we need to move toward “class-based affirmative action.” Amazing that this was written in 1993 and yet recently the mayor of Oakland offered $500 to poor Blacks but specifically denied it to poor Whites. This too is part of the Kendian “anti-racist” model where discrimination against Whites is an acceptable and necessary “corrective” to racist policies against Blacks.
Chapter Six sheds light “On Black-Jewish Relations” while Chapter Seven looks toward “Black Sexuality: The Taboo Subject.” Both of these offer typical Westian analysis rich with the nuanced understanding we’ve come to expect from him. The last chapter is rousing and simply wonderful when West confronts “Malcom X and Black Rage.” Here, West circles back to his central “prophetic” theme as he says of Malcom X: “Malcolm X was the prophet of black rage primarily because of his great love for black people…. This is why Malcom X’s articulation of black rage was not directed first and foremost at white America. Rather, Malcolm believed that if black people felt the love that motivated that rage the love would produce a psychic conversion in black people; they would affirm themselves as human beings, no longer viewing their bodies, minds, and souls through white lenses, and believing themselves capable of taking control of their own destinies.” Here, West shows how Malcom X’s notion of “psychic conversion is an implicit critique of W. E. B. Du Bois’s idea of ‘double-consciousness.’” West says that this critique “contains some truth yet offers an inadequate alternative.” And it is this that West attempts to point toward in his work.
As I wrote above, I was moved and influenced as a young man by the idea of Black Nationalism as I learned about it from those involved in Great Black Music and in the work of Frank Kofsky, the author of Black Nationalism and the Revolution in Music. Yet, West offers this: “My point here is that a focus on the issues rightly targeted by black nationalists and an openness to the insights of black nationalists does not necessarily result in an acceptance of black nationalist ideology.”
West concludes by telling us that if we are to build upon the best of Malcolm X, we need to expand upon his notion of psychic conversion as we build and nurture networks and communities where “love, care, and concern can take root.” Here he mentions bell hooks and I am reminded of how hooks speaks of love not as a noun but as a verb; an action and how the Buddha would talk of “thoroughly set love going.”
Remembering that this passage was written in 1993, and that even West sees less hope available in today’s hyper-polarized “with us or against us” climate, I was still roused to an emotional response:
“I use the term ‘jazz’ here not so much as a term for a musical art form, as for a mode of being in the world, an improvisational mode of protean, fluid, and flexible dispositions toward reality suspicious of ‘either/or’ viewpoints, dogmatic pronouncements, or supremacist ideologies. To be a jazz freedom fighter is to attempt to galvanize and energize world-weary people into forms of organization with accountable leadership that promote critical exchange and broad reflection. The interplay of individuality and unity is not one of uniformity and unanimity imposed from above but rather of conflict among diverse groupings that reach a dynamic consensus subject to questioning and criticism. As with a soloist in a jazz…band, individuality is promoted in order to sustain and increase the creative tension with the group – a tension that yields higher levels of performance to achieve the aim of the collective project. This kind of critical and democratic sensibility flies in the face of any policing of borders and boundaries of ‘blackness,’ ‘maleness,’ ‘femaleness,’ or ‘whiteness.’"
WOW! And how truly heartbreakingly distant we seem in today’s dysfunctional identitarianism and polarization that pits illiberal Liberalism against neo-fascist authoritarian Conservatism. And yet, as West concludes, the future of this country may well depend upon us finding a way out of this nihilistic morass.
Here's the conversation between Cornel West and Glenn Loury with Teodros Kiros:
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=CXJHX...