Civilizations Rise and Fall #1

Armas, gérmenes y acero

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¿Cómo fue la evolución de la humanidad? ¿Cuáles fueron los factores que influyeron en dicha evolución? ¿Por qué unos pueblos avanzaron hacia la 'civilización' y otros quedaron estancados? El profesor Jared Diamond cuestiona la prepotente visión occidental del progreso humano y demuestra que las diversidades culturales hunden su raíces en las diversidades geográficas, ecológicas y territoriales ligadas a cada caso concreto. La narración se sitúa trece mil años atrás. En aquella época, los pobladores empezaron a tomar rumbos diferentes en el desarrollo de las sociedades humanas. La pronta domesticación de los animales y el cultivo de plantas silvestres en el 'creciente fértil', (China, Mesoamérica, el sureste de los actuales EE.UU. y otras zonas) otorgó una ventaja inicial a los habitantes de estas regiones.

588 pages, Paperback

First published May 9,1997

About the author

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Jared Mason Diamond is an American scientist, historian, and author best known for his popular science and history books and articles. Originally trained in biochemistry and physiology, Diamond is commonly referred to as a polymath, stemming from his knowledge in many fields including anthropology, ecology, geography, and evolutionary biology. He is a professor of geography at UCLA.

In 2005, Diamond was ranked ninth on a poll by Prospect and Foreign Policy of the world's top 100 public intellectuals.

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April 16,2025
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Let me start off by comparing this book to another hugely popular title: Sapiens: A Brief History of Humankind by Yuval Noah Harari. These two books are often lumped together - they both essentially take a long view of human history - but they are different in so many ways. Starting with the writing style: Harari is engaging and easy to read while Diamond is far drier and often belabouring. However, in substance and thoughtfulness, Diamond's nuance and brilliance are far superior to Harari's smug simplicity. Diamond considers every factor and examines his evidence in detail, while Harari makes sweeping assertions and puts his conclusions before his evidence. Both take essentially a materialist view of the world, Diamond's geographic determinism being just that, but Harari takes his reductionism to a monistic extreme, rejecting anything he can't touch or see, while Diamond is willing to consider alternative causal explanations for historical outcomes, and even concedes that his theory doesn't reduce everything to geography alone, but only that geography is the strongest ultimate cause for human differences.

The books starts strong, and the prologue does a good job giving a disclaimer about what what the book is and is not; it is not a justification of colonialism or genocide, only an explanation of why Europeans were the colonizers and Native Americans the colonized. The prologue succeeds in pre-empting many of the challanges that critics bring up. For those of you who have read reviews that are critical of Diamond's alleged "Euro-centrism", I would advise you to read just the prologue and see that Diamond himself repudiates any such accusations. He also anticipates the complaint that his theory is reductionist. He stresses that it is not, as I mentioned above.

The first three parts of the book builds up the basics of this theory - that the differences between advanced and primitive civilizations ultimately trace back to the superior food production capacity of some regions, among other geographic factors, and the ability for advances such as domesticable crops, livestock, writing, political organization, and technology to be shared across distances (and famously, more easily across East-West axes than across North-South). These are important because they supported large concentrations in population, which in turn led to other advances, in what Diamond calls a self-catalyzing process. The second and third parts of the books go into the finer detail of each of these processes, and while at this point the book starts to sound repetitive, these chapters add enough nuance to make it interesting. By the fourth part of the book, however, in which Diamond applies his theory to each of the continents, it does start to get tiresome.

The strongest part of the book, in my opinion, comes at the very end, in the Epilogue and the Afterword (2003 edition). There's a very interesting discussion in the Epilogue that seems to have gotten much attention about why it was Europe rather than China that became the colonial superpower than colonized the Western hemisphere. He talks about how connectedness can be positive or negative. In the case of China, the extreme connectedness was at first a positive because it allowed crops and technology to be shared across the country, but it was also a negative when a single centralized authority had absolute authoritarian power to shut down the Chinese maritime project. Europe, on the other hand, because of its moderate connectedness, enjoyed the benefits of the sharing of ideas, yet its fragmented geography ultimately allowed Columbus to shop around his idea of sailing West to the various fragmented political regimes. This same idea is found in Matt Ridley's book The Rational Optimist: How Prosperity Evolves, and in Joel Mokyr's A Culture of Growth: The Origins of the Modern Economy.

The Epilogue also has a short discussion about cultural causes and the great-man theory. The latter he dismisses but the former he entertains. His discussion is well nuanced though, and worth contemplating. Finally, the end of the Epilogue talks about history as a science and is one of the best discussions I've seen on the topic. He explains why the scientific methods familiar to physicists could or could not work for historical sciences as well. Edward O. Wilson in Consilience: The Unity of Knowledge has some good ideas on this topic too which don't make their way into Diamond's treatment, but he comes close. In fact, the author I would characterize as most similar to Diamond would be Edward O. Wilson. His books The Social Conquest of Earth and Consilience complement this book very well. This segment is perhaps one of the most important parts of this book, and I would recommend everyone read it even if they don't read the rest of the book. It's important enough that it deserves its own book or a long essay at the very least.

Overall, this book deserves its status as an ultimate classic, and there is enough nuance and detail that a short summary won't do. If you think you already understand the main ideas of this book from a review or YouTube video you watched on it, I would challenge that you don't. The style does get a bit repetitive and dry, but if you pay enough attention to the details, it should keep you enthralled.
April 16,2025
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Guns, Germs, and Steel: The Fates of Human Societies, Jared Diamond

The book attempts to explain why Eurasian and North African civilizations have survived and conquered others, while arguing against the idea that Eurasian hegemony is due to any form of Eurasian intellectual, moral, or inherent genetic superiority.

Guns, Germs, and Steel: The Fates of Human Societies is a 1997 trans-disciplinary non-fiction book by Jared Diamond, professor of geography and physiology at the University of California, Los Angeles (UCLA).

عنوانهای چاپ شده در ایران: «ت‍ف‍ن‍گ‌ه‍ا، م‍ی‍ک‍روب‌ه‍ا و ف‍ولاد»؛ «اسلحه، میکروب و فولاد: سرنوشت جوامع انسانی»؛ نویسنده: ج‍رد میسن دای‍ام‍ون‍د (دایموند)؛ تاریخ نخستین خوانش روز نهم ماه اکتبر سال2002میلادی

عنوان: ت‍ف‍ن‍گ‌ه‍ا، م‍ی‍ک‍روب‌ه‍ا و ف‍ولاد؛ نویسنده: ج‍رد میسن دای‍ام‍ون‍د (دایموند)؛ مت‍رج‍م: س‍وس‍ن‌ س‍ل‍ی‍م‌زاده‌؛ ت‍ه‍ران‌ وزارت‌ ف‍ره‍ن‍گ‌ و ارش‍اد اس‍لام‍ی‌، س‍ازم‍ان‌ چ‍اپ‌ و ان‍ت‍ش‍ارات‌، سال1380؛ در682ص؛ شابک ایکس-964422258؛ موضوع ت‍ک‍ام‍ل‌ اج‍ت‍م‍اع‍ی‌ - ت‍م‍دن‌ - ت‍اری‍خ‌ - قوم شناسی - اشاعه فرهنگ - از نویسندگان ایالات متحده امریکا - سده 20م

عنوان: اسلحه، میکروب و فولاد : سرنوشت جوامع انسانی؛ نویسنده: جرد دایموند؛ مترجم حسن مرتضوی؛ تهران: بازتاب نگار‏‫، سال1387؛ در539ص؛ شابک9789648223378؛ چاپ دوم سال1394؛ چاپ سوم سال1396؛‬ چاپ دیگر تهران، نشر کلاغ، سال1391؛ در544ص؛ شابک9786009298464؛

تلاشی است برای توضیح اینکه چرا تمدن‌های «اوراسیا (به همراه شمال آفریقا)»، موفق به تسخیر، یا مقاومت در برابر دیگر تمدن‌ها شده‌ اند، و در عین حال تلاش در رد باوری که سلطه ی «اورآسیا» را، به برتری «اروپایی‌ها»، و »آسیایی‌ها» از لحاظ اخلاقی، ذاتی، ژنتیکی، یا فکری نسبت می‌دهد

دایموند استدلال می‌کند، که شکاف در قدرت، و فناوری، بین جوامع انسانی، ریشه در تفاوت‌های زیست‌ محیطی دارد، تفاوت‌هایی که حلقه ی بازخورد مثبت آن‌ها را، تقویت می‌کند (به این معنا که برتری محیطی، باعث پیشرفت تکنولوژی می‌شود، و برتری تکنولوژی، باعث پیشرفت‌های بیشتری می‌شوند، که در جای خود پیشرفت بیشتری نیز به دنبال می‌آورد)؛ در مواردی که تفاوت‌های فرهنگی، یا ژنتیکی، به نفع اورآسیایی‌ها عمل کرده‌ است (به عنوان مثال دولت متمرکز در چین، یا مقاومت ژنتیکی در برابر بسیاری بیماری‌ها در میان اورآسیای‌ها)، این مزیت‌ها تنها به دلیل تأثیرات جغرافیایی به وجود آمده‌ اند، و در ژن اروپایی و آسیایی ریشه ندارند

دایموند اشاره می‌کند، که تقریباً تمام دستاوردهای بشری («علمی»، «هنری»، «معماری»، «سیاسی»، و غیره) در قاره ی «اورآسیا» رخ داده‌ است؛ مردمان قاره‌ های دیگر (جنوب صحرای «آفریقا»، بومیان «آمریکا»، بومیان «استرالیا» و «گینه نو»، و ساکنین اصلی مناطق گرمسیری آسیای جنوب شرقی)، به‌ طور گسترده‌ ای مغلوب، و جا به‌ جا شده‌ اند، و در برخی موارد فوق‌ العاده (اشاره به بومیان «آمریکا»، بومیان «استرالیا» و بومیان «خوآسان» جنوب «آفریقا») عمدتاً از بین رفته‌ اند

برهان نخست این سلطه ی «اوراسیائی‌»ها، برتری‌های نظامی و سیاسی آن‌ها بوده، که خود ناشی از پیدایش زود هنگام کشاورزی، در میان این اقوام، پس از آخرین عصر یخ بوده‌ است؛ «دایموند» در این کتاب، برهانهایی برای بازگویی چنین توزیع نامتناسبی از قدرت، و دست‌آوردها پیشنهاد می‌کند

عنوان کتاب نیز اشاره‌ ای است، به راههایی که به وسیله آن‌ها، «اروپایی‌»ها علی‌رغم تعداد نفرات کمتر، ملتهای دیگر را مغلوب کرده، و سلطه ی خود را حفظ کرده‌ اند، سلاح‌های برتر، مستقیماً منجر به برتری نظامی، می‌شوند (اسلحه)؛ بیماری‌های «اروپایی» و «آسیایی» جمعیت‌های بومی را تضعیف کرده، و کاهش داده، باعث می‌شوند، اِعمال کنترل بر آن‌ها، راحت‌تر شود (میکروب)، و دولت متمرکز «ناسیونالیسم» را ترویج داده، و بستری برای سازمان‌های قدرتمند نظامی به وجود می‌آورد (فولاد)؛

کتاب از عوامل جغرافیایی استفاده می‌کند، تا نشان دهد، که چگونه «اروپایی‌»ها چنین تکنولوژی برتر نظامی‌ ای تولید کرده ‌اند، و چرا بیماریهایی که «اروپایی‌»ها، و «آسیایی‌»ها، نسبت به آن‌ها تا حدی از مصونیت برخوردار بودند، جمعیت‌های بومی «آمریکا» را ویران کردند؛ «اوراسیا» پس از آخرین عصر یخ، شانس برخورداری، از ویژگی‌های مطلوب جغرافیایی، اقلیمی، و زیست‌ محیطی را، دارا بوده‌ است

دایموند دو مزیت زیست‌ محیطی «اوراسیا» را، دلایل اصلی توسعه زود هنگام کشاورزی، در این منطقه در قیاس با سایر مناطق می‌داند؛ پس از آخرین عصر یخ، با اختلاف زیادی، بهترین بذرهای وحشی، و حیوانات رام شدنی تقریباً بزرگ (مانند «بز»، «سگ» یا بزرگتر)، در طبیعت «اوراسیا» یافت می‌شد؛ این امر مناسبترین مواد اولیه را در اختیار مبتکران «اروپایی» و «آسیایی» کشاورزی، و به ویژه اهالی «آسیای جنوب غربی» (تقریباً «بین‌النهرین» و «ترکیه») گذاشته بود

برتری در حیوانات رام‌ شدنی، عامل پر اهمیتتر بود، زیرا که مناطق دیگر، حداکثر دو و اغلب هیچ حیوان دیگری، در اختیار ساکنان خود نمی‌گذاشتند؛ مزیت دیگر «اوراسیا» در این بوده است، که محور شرقی-غربی آن، یک منطقه بسیار وسیع، با عرض جغرافیایی مشابه، و در نتیجه آب و هوای متشابه تشکیل می‌دهد؛ در نتیجه، برای مردمان «اورآسیا» به مراتب ساده‌ تر بود، که شروع به استفاده از گیاهان و حیواناتی کنند، که از پیش در سایر نقاط «اوراسیا» اهلی شده بودند

در مقابل، محور شمالی-جنوبی «آمریکا»، و تا حدی «آفریقا»، به دلیل تنوع گسترده، در آب و هوا، مانع از گسترش اهلی کردن گیاهان، و حیوانات در سراسر این قاره شد؛ حیواناتی و غلاتی که در مرکز «آفریقا»، یا «آمریکا» قابل پرورش هستند، با جنوب این قاره‌ ها بسیار متفاوت است؛ از بذرهای وحشی قابل کشت، «سرخپوستان» ذرت را داشتند، اما این غله، بر خلاف غلات «اوراسیا»، مواد مغذی اندکی فراهم می‌کند، و از آن مهمتر، می‌بایست یکی یکی کاشته شوند، که کاری بسیار خسته‌ کننده است؛

لازم است گفته شود، که پس از آنکه، به عنوان مثال در تمدن «می.سی.سی.پی»، در حدود سال یکهزار میلادی، میزان کشاورزی به حدی رسید، که محصول مازاد تولید شد، آن‌ها زیستگاه‌های متراکم ،و تخصصی‌تری ساختند؛ «اورآسیایی‌»ها، گندم و جو در اختیار داشتند، که سرشار از فیبر، و مواد مغذی است، و می‌تواند به راحتی با دست، و به مقدار فراوان بذر افشانی شود؛ «اورآسیایی‌»ها، از زمان‌های بسیار پیشتر، مازاد عظیمی از مواد غذایی تولید می‌کردند، که این امکان رشد جمعیت نمایی را، به آن تمدن‌ها می‌داد؛ چنین رشدی، منجر به تشکیل نیروی کاری بزرگتر، و مخترعان، صنعتگران، و امثالهم شد؛ به علاوه غلات (که در «اورآسیا» یافت می‌شده‌) می‌توانست بر عکس محصولات گرمسیری، همچون «موز»، برای طولانی مدت ذخیره شود؛ در حالیکه سرزمین‌های جنوب صحرای «آفریقا»، عمدتاً از پستانداران وحشی، برخوردار بوده‌ اند، «اورآسیا» بر حسب شانس، بیشترین حیوانات بزرگ سربزیر (رام شدنی) را، در سرتاسر جهان در اختیار دارد «اسب» و «شتر» که می‌توانند، به راحتی برای حمل و نقل بشر مهار می‌شوند، «بز» و «گوسفند» برای «پوست»، «پوشاک»، و «پنیر»؛ «گاو» برای «شیرش» و «ورزا» برای خیش زدن زمین، و حمل و نقل، و حیوانات خوش‌خیم همانند «خوک‌»ها، و «مرغ» برای خوردن. «آفریقایی‌»ها، بر حسب تصادف جغرافیایی، با «شیر»، «پلنگ» و همانن اینها طرف بوده‌ اند

دایموند اشاره می‌کند، که تنها جانورانی مفید، برای استفاده ی بشر، در «گینه نو» در واقع از شرق «آسیا» آمده‌ اند؛ اینها حدود چهارهزار تا پنجهزار سال پیش، به «گینه نو» وارد شده‌ اند؛ در انتهای کتاب «دایموند» به طور خلاصه به بررسی این نکته می‌پردازد، که چرا قدرتهای مسلط در پانصد سال گذشته، ساکنین غرب «اروپا»، و نه «آسیا (به ویژه شرق آسیا و چین)» بوده‌ اند؛ در مورد جنوب غرب «آسیا»، «دایموند» پاسخ پرسش را واضح می‌داند: استفاده طولانی مدت و گاه بیش از اندازه، اغلب مناطق جنوب غرب «آسیا» را بسیار خشک، و غیرقابل کشت کرده بود، و جنگل زدایی و دیگر فاجعه‌ های زیست‌ محیطی، از این مراکز اولیه تمدن، صحراهای کم‌آب و علفی ساخته بود، که نمی‌توانستند به راحتی با سرزمین‌های حاصل‌خیز «اروپا»، رقابت کنند

در مورد مناطق شرق «آسیا»، «دایموند» حدس می‌زند، که ویژگی‌های جغرافیایی این سرزمین‌ها، باعث تشکیل امپراتوری بزرگ، با ثبات و جدا افتاده‌ ای شد، که هیچ فشار خارجی قابل توجهی، آن را تهدید نمی‌کرده‌؛ این امر باعث تمرکز بیش از حد تصمیم‌ گیری شده، و نوعی خودکامگی بی‌رقابت را، ایجاد کرده‌ است، که خود پس از مدتی، منجر به ایستایی جامعه، و در مواردی (مانند اختراع اسلحه و کشتی‌های اقیانوس پیما) سرکوب تکنولوژی از سوی حاکمان شده‌ است؛ در «اروپا» وجود موانع طبیعی بسیار (مانند کوه‌های عظیم و خلیجها) منجر به ایجاد دول ملی محلی رقیب شد؛ این رقابت کشورهای اروپایی را (با اینکه مانند «چین» توسط حاکمان خودکامه کنترل می‌شدند) تشویق به نوآوری کرد، و از رکود فناوری جلوگیری شد

تاریخ بهنگام رسانی 22/09/1399هجری خورشیدی؛ 12/08/1400هجری خورشیدی؛ ا. شربیانی
April 16,2025
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"Bir halkın başka bir halk üzerinde nasıl üstünlük kurduğunu açıklamayı başarırsak bu o üstünlüğü haklı göstermek gibi olmaz mı?"
April 16,2025
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In the fields of geography and history, there are few more nettlesome turns of phrase than the vaguely Eurocentric 'The Middle East' and the academically petulant 'The Common Era' (or C.E and B.C.E. as a replacement for A.D. and B.C.) Jared Diamond avoids both of these, while introducing the more precise 'Southwest Asia.' This is an early indicator of the exactness and objectivity he shows throughout this epic overview of civilization's building blocks.

When reading nonfiction, I am often impressed by a particular author's style, breadth of research or interest in the details of humanity. But before Guns, Germs and Steel, I was never so moved by the analysis of the information presented. Before Guns, Germs and Steel, I never considered a continent's long axis (either north-south or east-west) significant to the development of the people that live there. So when Diamond presented this theory, I was dubious. But after reading his argument with all its copious details and seeing this theory applied to all corners of the Earth, I was convinced.

This is a book for anyone who has wondered why Europeans conquered Australia and the Americas so much easier than Sub-Saharan Africa or New Guinea. It's for anyone who has wondered why South Africa looks so much more European than most of the rest of Africa. It's for anyone who has wondered why we don't eat acorns. It's for anyone who wants to see abhorrent theories about 'racial superiority' calmly blasted to smithereens. It's for anyone with the patience to have all their historical assumptions challenged over the course of 500 glorious pages.

Edited 3-16-2017
April 16,2025
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Author Jared Diamond's two-part thesis is: 1) the most important theme in human history is that of civilizations beating the crap out of each other, 2) the reason the beat-ors were Europeans and the beat-ees the Aboriginees, Mayans, et. al. is because of the geographical features of where each civilization happened to develop. Whether societies developed gunpowder, written language, and other technological niceties, argues Diamond, is completely a function of whether they emerged amidst travel-and-trade condusive geography and easily-domesticable plants and animals.

I'm not sure I agree that why the Spanish obliterated the Mayans instead of visa versa is the most interesting question of human history. (How about the evolution of ideas, or the impact of great leaders and inventors?) But it is an interesting question, and worth exploring. Diamond is a philosophical monist, neatly ascribing just about every juncture in human history to a single cause or related group of causes. Given his extensive background in botany and geology, it makes sense that he would look for the impact of those factors in the human story. Unfortunately, those factors are all he regards as important; he relegates to insignificance the contribution of ideas, innovations, and the decision-making of individuals or cultures. His view is fatalistic, seemingly motivated by a P.C.-era desire to pronounce all cultures equal, and their fates the product of random circumstance.

A contradiction here is that fatalistic viewpoints are incompatible with moral pronouncements. (If nobody can control their actions, who's to blame for anything?) Diamond is condemnatory of the Spanish incursion into Mayan lands, but the logical consequence of his theory is that the Mayans would have done the same to the Spanish if they had been first to develop the musket and frigate. Taking Diamond's theory seriously means we'd have to view imperialism as natural and unavoidable, like the predation of animals, and be unable to criticize any culture's actions whatever.

All that said... this is a fascinating and worthwhile read.
There's no doubt that the factors Diamond identified had some role in human progress, however, and if you can put aside the author's predisposition towards his own field and somewhat sketchy philosophical foundation, the book is a compelling and vivid account of what life was like for the earliest civilizations. Diamond describes the evolution of agriculture, written language, and other indispensable facets of human history, giving us a crash tour through the earliest days of human history. The specialized expertise that ultimately derails Diamond's overview at the same time offers a compelling and detailed view of the rise of mankind.

April 16,2025
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Word for word, this is probably the most knowledge-dense book I’ve read. It is a fire hose of information that soaks readers with facts. It answers this question:

“Why weren’t Native Americans, Africans, and Aboriginal Australians the ones who decimated, subjugated, or exterminated Europeans and Asians?” (p. 15).

The answer given is geographic determinism—specifically, that chance differences across groups in access to domesticable plants and herd animals explain historical patterns of conquest and dominance, as mediated by food production, population growth, technological advancement (scribes, artisans, and inventors require sedentary societies and food support), and increased resistance to animal-derived diseases that would kill up to 99% of previously unexposed populations:

“Far more Native Americans died in bed from Eurasian germs than on the battlefield from European guns and swords” (p. 210).

In other words, the first people to become farmers and herders took over the world. Here is the graph illustrating the theorized process through which human civilization developed and group conquest/subjugation/extermination occurred—a process that put genetically unexceptional people on top of an arbitrary hierarchy of wealth and power:



I was absolutely overwhelmed, and pleasantly so, by the amount of information that Jared Diamond provided. He extensively covered such diverse topics as why almonds but not acorns became staples of the human diet and fixtures in grocery stores (i.e., fast squirrels and multiple-gene causation made it difficult to domesticate oak trees), the importance and history of founder crops (“Agriculture was launched in the Fertile Crescent by the early domestication of eight crops,” p. 141), why cheetahs and zebras confounded human domestication efforts (“The Anna Karenina Principal: domesticable animals are all alike; every undomesticable animal is undomesticable in its own way,” p. 157), why writing evolved with food production and did so in a way that initially restricted it from the masses (“Ancient writing’s main function was ‘to facilitate the enslavement of other human beings,’” p. 235), and the two ways that technology spread across groups/societies (e.g., the Musket Wars). In the form of a representative paragraph, let me give one example of this book’s knowledge-density, of its information-firehose quality:

“When societies do adopt a new technology from the society that invented it, the diffusion may occur in many different contexts. They include peaceful trade (as in the spread of transistors from the United States to Japan in 1954), espionage (the smuggling of silkworms from Southeast Asia to the Mideast in A.D. 552), emigration (the spread of French glass and clothing manufacturing techniques over Europe by the 200,000 Huguenots expelled from France in 1685), and war. A crucial case of the last was the transfer of Chinese papermaking techniques to Islam, made possible when an Arab army defeated a Chinese army at the battle of Talas River in Central Asia in A.D. 751, found some papermakers among the prisoners of war, and brought them to Samarkand to set up paper manufacture” (p. 256).
April 16,2025
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3.5 stars

This is an interesting and influential book that in its broad conclusions makes a lot of sense, though I have doubts about Diamond’s reasoning on some of his smaller points. It’s longer than it needs to be, but largely because it is thorough and takes the time to break down academic subjects to be accessible to intelligent but non-specialist readers.

First published in 1997, this book sets out to explain why Europe was able to colonize such a large part of the world in the last few centuries. Europeans’ possession of “guns, germs and steel” was an immediate cause, but why did they have these things when people on many other continents did not? Diamond’s answer comes down to the environment in different parts of the world. In essence, all of these advantages come down to agriculture. In a hunter-gatherer society, population is kept relatively small, people have to focus on acquiring food, and (unless they live in an especially bountiful area), small groups typically need to move from place to place, such that they can’t have too many belongings, especially if they have no domestic animals to carry them. A society built on farming, however, tends to be much more populous, can support a class of people who do something other than farm (an elite class of nobles, but also specialized trades), and can accumulate belongings, which makes developing new technology more worthwhile. So, parts of the world that had a head start on farming also had a head start on developing technology, such as metallurgy.

Meanwhile, European germs played probably the most decisive role in their conquest of the Americas, as well as some other parts of the world; given the size of the native population (an early European visitor to the east coast of the modern U.S. wrote that there didn’t really seem to be room for colonies because the area was so heavily populated) and the difficulty of getting even small numbers of people across the ocean on wooden ships, one can imagine that this could have turned out much more like the English conquest of India, or might not have happened at all, if not for the epidemics that killed some 90% of the population. Why were the Europeans the ones with the germs? Well, human epidemics have come from domestic animals (think swine flu and avian flu today), and epidemics need a large population to stay alive; otherwise they will simply kill everyone they can kill and then die out with no new hosts. Therefore, epidemics evolved in places where people lived in close quarters with domestic animals, and stuck around in populations large enough to produce a new crop of children before the epidemic died out (this is why diseases like measles were once considered “childhood diseases” – not because children were more susceptible, but because the diseases were so prevalent that children would almost inevitably catch them before growing up). Both individuals and populations exposed to these germs would eventually develop immunity if they survived.

But the opportunity to domesticate animals wasn’t spread evenly around the world. Asia and Europe (referred to throughout the book as “Eurasia” since it’s really one landmass, considered two continents for political rather than geographic reasons) had lots of options, including horses, cows, water buffalo, sheep, pigs, and goats. As far as domesticable large mammals go, the Americas had only the llama (which didn’t spread beyond the Andes), while sub-Saharan Africa had none. It isn’t that people didn’t try – people will keep almost anything as a pet – but numerous factors influence whether a large mammal is a good candidate for domestication. It needs to live in herds, to tolerate its own herd’s territory overlapping with others (or you’d never be able to bring in a new cow that wasn’t related to your current cows), to not be overly or unpredictably aggressive toward humans (this is why the zebra has never worked out), to not panic, bolt and throw itself against the fence until it dies, and more. Eurasia had a couple of major advantages here. Being the largest landmass, it had the most animal diversity. And, as modern humans evolved in Africa and Eurasia, animals evolved alongside them, presumably learning how to deal with human hunters’ increasing skills; on the other hand, most large mammals went extinct in the Americas and Australia shortly after people arrived.

With agriculture, too, Eurasia had an advantage, causing it to kick off there early. Again, there was a greater diversity of plants, only some of which make sense to domesticate and begin to grow. The Fertile Crescent (roughly modern-day Iraq and Turkey), perhaps the first site of agriculture in the world, had it particularly easy: wheat already existed in a form quite similar to its modern equivalent, and grew bountifully, so the idea of taking it home and growing it wasn’t much of a leap. On the other hand, with corn – a staple crop of Mexico and eventually the eastern U.S. – there isn’t even agreement on what the wild ancestor was; the plant that might have been the original corn produced husks only about an inch long with tiny kernels and other disadvantages. People had to work on it for a really long time before it became a suitable staple crop for large swathes of the continent.

And then too, you wouldn’t switch from hunting and gathering to farming for just one crop. While hunting and gathering seems like a precarious lifestyle to us, it can actually be better than subsistence farming. Farmers worked harder – which makes sense, since they had to nurture their food every step of the way rather than simply finding it and bringing it home – and based on their skeletons, early farmers’ nutrition was worse than that of hunter-gatherers. So it’s the total package that counts; in areas that provided a nutritionally-balanced diet of domesticable plants, plus domesticable animals to supplement that diet and also provide labor and fertilizer, farming made a lot more sense than it did in areas without such a bounty. Essentially, the sort of lifestyle people had depended on the food options available, and some places supported agriculture much more than others. Nobody’s building a densely-populated empire from a desert like the Australian outback.

There is a lot more to the book of course, but I think it’s the central thesis that’s the most convincing. Many of Diamond’s other points – ancillary to his main argument – don’t work so well. For instance, he’s very interested in how a Spanish force of about 150 managed to defeat and capture the Inca emperor Atahualpa, who was supported by thousands of troops. Certainly the Spanish weaponry played a decisive role, particularly since it was the first time the Inca had encountered guns or cavalry. But Diamond claims that we know well what happened based on the (likely self-serving) accounts of several Spaniards, without apparently realizing that the Inca would probably have told a different story, and then makes a big deal of the fact the Inca lacked writing, arguing this is why they weren’t aware of prior Spanish conquests in Central America and therefore walked into a trap. But this ignores the fact that people who can’t depend on storing information in written form tend to have far better memorization skills than people who write everything down (Homer was not unusual in being able to recite epic poems from memory), and the fact that “they’re going to try to kill you with terrible weapons” is a simple message that could certainly have been transmitted intact had the Inca had envoys in Central America, all while assuming that Atahualpa didn’t know it was a trap. Without contemporary Inca sources, we have no idea whether perhaps he did know, but being new to the throne of an empire destabilized by epidemics, had to go anyway or risk looking weak to his subjects and promptly being overthrown.

There’s some other questionable reasoning here: that it makes sense that the wheel, while invented in Mexico, wasn’t actually used for transportation because there were no animals capable of pulling carts. (So what? People too can transport far more weight on wheels than they can carry.) That New Guineans are probably smarter than Europeans because their society has a higher homicide rate. (A society with lots of murder and warfare would select for strength, skill with weapons, and ability to maintain strong social ties far more than it would select for abstract, creative, or analytical thinking. Plus, an anthropological study of a New Guinea tribe found that those typically targeted for murder were the elderly, who would have already passed on their genes regardless.) And the 2003 epilogue, attempting to apply principles of societal development to how corporations should organize themselves to best promote innovation – apparently inspired by business leaders writing to Diamond about the book – even if true, has nothing to do with the contents of this already-long book.

Obviously there’s a lot to chew on here, hence the long review. I do think the book is worth reading, though it’s unfortunate that Diamond doesn’t cite sources for individual facts, and only includes generalized “further reading” lists. The book has some repetition that makes it a little longer than it needs to be, but overall I think it does a sound job of explaining some of the broad strokes of human history.
April 16,2025
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Rating: 3.5* of five, rounded up because the PBS adaptation was better than I had expected it to be

I read this in the 1990s and was blown away by the fact that environmental determinism was back in the forefront of the have-vs-have-not debate. Well told tale. Persuasive, goodness knows. Maybe even partially correct, who knows, since we're facing the consequences of climate change on our civilization and they aren't good. They're only going to get worse, too. So who do we look to for models of how to change our food production?

Anyway, the 2007 revision isn't different in any significant way to the 1997 version and you'll get a lot out of reading it. I still think the 2005 PBS version is the easiest to absorb because there are no awful dreary tables and the pretty pictures are pretty. Plus, let's face it, Peter Coyote sounds great.

But do absorb the information somehow. This horror movie is real and will be your grandchildren's reality if you live in the "First World" now.
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