When I received this book for Xmas, I was truly astonished.

I quickly realized that I am going to have to seriously consider quitting my job in order to find sufficient time to read it. 1134 pages! And this is not even including the notes and acknowledgments!

In the meantime, I have been jokingly using it lieu of dumbbells for lifting weights.

Once upon a time, I thought I knew something of substance about FDR. However, as I delved into this book, I felt pretty silly for not knowing a whole lot about one of the greatest leaders in the 20th Century.

*** Yesterday, I finally finished the last of the 1134 pages. While it took me almost three months to read and there were times when it was dull (wartime planning is simply not exciting to me), I am ultimately glad I read it. Black writes with a discerning eye for the successes and faults of FDR. He does not try to apologize for FDR's failures, nor does he try to hide them. Instead, he presents a balanced view. He also provides his own analysis of what would have happened if different choices had been made, either by FDR or the many other players involved. Overall, it was a very interesting and enlightening read.***

This beautifully written book is truly one of the finest biographies in the English language.

It stands out for its remarkable combination of narrative detail and authoritative analysis.

The author has masterfully crafted a work that reads like a virtual history of the first half of the 20th Century.

Every page is filled with captivating stories and incisive insights that bring this tumultuous era to life.

From the political upheavals to the social changes, from the great personalities to the ordinary people, this book covers it all.

It is a must-read for anyone interested in history, biography, or simply a well-written book.

Bravo to the author for creating such a masterpiece!

A fascinating, painstakingly thorough and interesting book has emerged, centering around someone who is arguably the most powerful and influential President of the 20th century.

Black's writing style is highly opinionated, yet it is firmly grounded in facts. His evident admiration for Roosevelt does not prevent him from critiquing when he holds a different view. He neither sugarcoats Roosevelt's actions nor attempts to undermine his achievements. Nevertheless, he is justifiably awestruck by the sheer magnitude of Roosevelt's accomplishments.

At times, Black devotes a significant amount of time to delving into the minutiae of conferences, behind-the-scenes discussions, and the like. This can sometimes lead to confusion for the reader. However, it seems improbable to me that anyone other than the most dedicated scholar would truly require another volume to gain a comprehensive understanding of Roosevelt. This book offers a detailed and engaging exploration of a remarkable figure in American history.

Great Biography of a Great Man

This bio presents the life of FDR in a captivating manner. Lord Black doesn't shy away from addressing FDR's more controversial actions such as lying, playing the race card, marital infidelity, and power grabbing. All these aspects are included, yet FDR still comes across as a man who overcame disability to guide his nation through one of its darkest periods.

At times while reading this bio, I questioned if Lord Black had too close an identification with FDR. Conrad Black has achieved a great deal but has also faced his share of ethical concerns.

This is a lengthy book, but it was worthwhile to uncover the man who led the U.S. through the Great Depression and the Second World War. Generally, I'm not a fan of presidential biographies as they often turn into hagiographies or portray the man as a villain. Rarely do they recognize the balance of good and bad within a person. This book manages to do that, and still, FDR emerges as a hero.

Lord Conrad Black's over one thousand-page biography of President Franklin D. Roosevelt is an extremely engaging read. It is not only lengthy but also requires the use of a thesaurus while perusing it. By the time you finish this book, your vocabulary knowledge will have increased significantly. This book is both the second biography I have read about FDR and the second book I have read by Lord Black. What I admire about Black is his ability to analyze issues from multiple perspectives before forming an opinion. Lord Black is a conservative politically, which makes his take on Roosevelt, a historical figure mostly favored by the left, very interesting. The recent right wing has renewed its attack on the welfare state. Black not only defends it for conservative reasons but also declares that Roosevelt was the most important person of the twentieth century.

Lord Black begins with a standard examination of Roosevelt's ancestry and the world in which he grew up. The same topics were covered in Smith's biography, and I will not go into detail here except to say that Roosevelt was a child of extreme economic privilege. Black then discusses his marriage to his distant cousin, who happened to be the niece of the great President Theodore Roosevelt, and FDR's early entry into politics.
FDR rose quickly and eventually became the Assistant Secretary of the Navy for President Wilson, the same position TR had when he joined the McKinley Administration. Roosevelt was successful in his job with the Navy Department, so much so that Wilson did not allow him to leave to serve in the military. After the war, he was the Democratic Party's nominee for Vice President. Roosevelt proved to be a natural campaigner.
"Roosevelt was a popular figure on the campaign trail and met the expectations Cox had when he chose him as his running mate. He was remarkably impressive in appearance, a confident and eloquent speaker with a melodious voice, rich inflection, and animated gestures that would eventually become world famous. And he was a tireless campaigner, willing to go anywhere, no matter how remote or politically hostile. However, he had not completely overcome the habit of taking liberties with the truth that the press could expose." (p.128)
Franklin Roosevelt was distantly related to Theodore Roosevelt. They were from different branches of the family whose most recent common ancestor was a man named Nicholas Roosevelt who lived in New Amsterdam (New York) when it was a Dutch colony. His son Johannes would father the branch that became the Oyster Bay Roosevelts (TR and Eleanor), and the son Jacobus would father the branch that would become the Hudson Valley Roosevelts (Franklin). Oyster Bay was a Republican branch, and the Hudson Valley Roosevelts were Democrats. Yet Franklin would assume the mantle and legacy of the entire Roosevelt family, which bothered Theodore Roosevelt's children, especially the one named Theodore Roosevelt.
Lord Black goes on to describe how Roosevelt viewed issues such as race and bigotry. His views were advanced for his time, although they are mostly behind ours. To Black, Roosevelt's general open-mindedness contributed to his humanitarian policies and his ability to identify with what would become his core constituency, the American underdogs.
"To Roosevelt, bigotry was a far more un-American trait than any individuals or groups who were its victims. Beyond that, he was eventually offended by the failure of his natural peers to support him as he set out to safeguard their sheltered world, which the Great Depression so morally threatened. This increased his appreciation for the groups they despised and who voted overwhelmingly for him. He enjoyed ethnic jokes, including those directed at WASPS, but not ethnic or sectarian slurs. He believed in himself and in the Anglo-Saxon, Protestant, Yankee sociological type of which he was such an exemplar. But he was more impressed by those who strived and achieved in American society with few initial advantages than by those who claimed for themselves, based on the existence of their well-placed forebears, a license to condescend to the less fortunate." (p.155)
One of the topics that Lord Black delves into that I find fascinating is the personal and political relationship between Franklin Roosevelt and Alfred E. Smith. Smith and Roosevelt were sometimes allies but also adversaries. Roosevelt had assisted Smith in his gubernatorial and presidential campaigns. When Smith received the Democratic nomination for President in 1928, he realized that despite being a popular governor, he was weak in his home state. To help the party against Herbert Hoover, Smith drafted Roosevelt to run to replace him as Governor of New York. Smith believed that having the popular Roosevelt run for governor would get more Democrats to vote and turn the election in his favor.
"Roosevelt conducted a vigorous campaign for governor, vehemently attacking bigotry in all its forms, which endeared him to the large Catholic and Jewish (and perhaps even black) populations of New York. He promised to complete the reforms sought by Al Smith, especially the eight-hour and forty-eight-hour work week for women and children industrial workers. He called for an old-age pension and, in moving terms, for the abrogation `forever and ever' of the Poor Law and the County Poor House. Even more evocative was his call for better care for handicapped and crippled people. He referred directly to his own experience, asserting that only his and his family's resources had enabled him to make the recovery he had, and that the same care should be available to everyone (as it was in Warm Springs)." (p.184)
In many ways, Smith created a monster. Smith lost the presidential election, and now the chief executive position of one of the largest and richest states was no longer his. Roosevelt was now in control.
"In just six weeks, Al Smith had been overshadowed by Franklin D. Roosevelt, who had wanted to remain in the shadows a while longer. But he was now the unofficial leader of the opposition. If anything went wrong with the seemingly endless prosperity of the time, he would be the president in waiting. At the decisive moments of their political lives, Al Smith's judgment was flawed, Franklin D. Roosevelt's luck was good, and Herbert Hoover would prove to be both lacking in judgment and extremely unlucky. Thus, the greatest political fortunes were won and lost, and the world was changed." (p.188)
Smith would find himself completely usurped. When the Great Depression hit, it was Governor Roosevelt, not Governor Smith, who was actively taking action. When the 1932 Democratic Convention assembled, Smith discovered the monster he had created. Smith faced the harsh reality that most people who have the presidential ambition eventually have to accept: you will never be the President of the United States.
"A disgusted Smith left the hall in Chicago before the vote was officially announced, without releasing his delegates, preventing the customary move to unanimous acclamation. Roosevelt's old adversary and now ardent recent supporter James Gerard, the party treasurer, sent Mrs. Charles Dana Gibson, a close friend of Smith's, to the gallery to ask Smith to move a unanimous nomination. She returned a few minutes later with Smith's reply: `I won't do it,' repeated mindlessly and fixedly as if in a mantra. The extent of his underestimation of Roosevelt and the folly of taking his place as governor of New York must have finally become clear to him. It was an unsportsmanlike and therefore uncharacteristic and unseemly end to Smith's great career as the official Democratic Party leader. Even now, he could have salvaged a significant role for himself, albeit in a subordinate position to someone formally junior to him, if he had behaved sensibly. Instead, he chose a bitter exile and was marginalized as a popular figure of a receding past." (p.237)
The part of President Roosevelt's New Deal that is still felt today is the Social Security system. Politicians since then have been reluctant to tamper with it, and those who have tried have generally faced negative consequences. Paul Ryan attempted to do so, and the backlash was so strong that he had to change his stance. In 2012, while running for Vice President, he had to travel around the country calling Obama a Medicare Scrooge.
"Social Security was an idea whose time had come. At a time when the United States had been hit by an economic crisis that had left nearly a third of the country impoverished, it promised immediate emergency support for everyone. This measure raised the hope of the nation that it would never again be vulnerable to the vagaries of the economic cycle, which had proven more unpredictable and dangerous than most Americans had ever imagined." (p.343)
Criticism of the New Deal has become very popular in modern times, especially among those who want to dismantle the welfare state and return to the world of the 1890s. The current "Tea Party" movement and some of the higher-profile think tanks have often criticized the New Deal using revisionist history. Black refutes these critics and praises the New Deal from a conservative perspective.
"The myth persists that the New Deal was ineffective because progress in reducing unemployment in the private sector was slow until late in the thirties. But the Roosevelt administration's policies greatly alleviated the suffering of most of the needy and permanently reformed the economic system without significantly disrupting it. The New Deal can be compared favorably with the performance of other advanced industrial countries and was certainly judged preferable to what was offered by the domestic opposition." (p.382)
One of the more interesting points that Black makes is how Roosevelt's example helped other countries recognize the legitimacy of liberal democracy. In a time of international economic depression, young republics and developing countries were looking for systems to imitate. Franklin Roosevelt's United States provided a good democratic model compared to Britain or France.
"By 1937, as had been demonstrated in South America, Franklin D. Roosevelt enjoyed great prestige not only in every region of the United States but also throughout the world. He was the only leader of a major country who seemed decisive, energetic, and benevolent. The French and British statesmen appeared dyspeptic, ineffective, and unimaginative, as, with few exceptions, they were. The same adjectives could not be applied to Hitler, Mussolini, and Stalin, and they all had their admirers in the Western democracies. But to the great majority in the democratic countries, these were sinister men with blood-stained hands preaching and practicing hatred and violence. There were much-admired leaders in secondary countries, but only Roosevelt carried the ideals of Western liberal democracy with the originality, courage, and panache that could universally attract admirers, reassure democratic believers, and refute the widespread theory that democracy was doomed to be surpassed by the Fascists or the Communists." (p.403)
"If Hitler were allowed to consolidate his position, not only could Germany rival America as an industrial power, but Nazism could more successfully compete with democracy for imitators than it already had. This competition could become a problem in Latin America, where the attachment to democracy was weak, and where Hitler and Mussolini had no shortage of swaggering imitators in overstuffed uniforms." (p.564)
In the early days of World War II, the British Government, with Roosevelt's approval, began courting the American public. The largest propaganda effort came with the arrival of King George VI and his wife Queen Elizabeth. Over one hundred and seventy years earlier, Americans had revolted against their current guest's great-great-great-grandfather, King George III. Yet, you would not have guessed that Americans harbored any ill feelings towards any British king based on the enthusiastic crowds that welcomed the first British monarch to visit America while on the throne. Many British monarchs had come to the United States before becoming monarchs.
"The king and queen made a great and very positive impression on American public opinion. They were not physically imposing like Franklin D. Roosevelt, but they were regal, gracious, and pleasant looking. The king was rather handsome, and the queen was quite pretty. There was no hint of British stiffness, much less condescension. Millions of Americans realized for the first time how close their country really was to Great Britain, especially in a world where strident dictators who applied brute force in domestic and international affairs were so prevalent." (p.524)
1940 would be the most important presidential election since 1864. It would determine the fate of the world. Roosevelt was breaking a tradition that had been in place since the days of President George Washington: that the President of the United States serve no more than two terms. Black presents in his book a Roosevelt who defeats all of his enemies.
"Willkie's heroic effort broke the momentum of his career. Disliked by and disliking the conservative Republicans, he became friendlier with his opponent than with his former followers. But his health and political fortunes began to decline. John L. Lewis resigned as head of the CIO as he had promised. He returned as head of the United Mine Workers, but he never had a fraction of the credibility in the country that he had enjoyed during Roosevelt's first two terms. Charles Lindbergh continued to speak to smaller and less respectable audiences about the virtues of isolationism, but he would forever be seen as almost a neo-Nazi." (p.600)
Lord Black makes a strong argument that the United States under President Roosevelt was fighting World War II long before the United States officially entered the war. While doing so, Black also provides an incredible explanation for why Hitler attacked the Soviet Union that I have never heard before: Hitler was afraid that Stalin would use the U.S. entry into the war as a means of blackmailing him.
When reading Black's take on Hitler, I kept thinking about the Joker in the second Nolan Batman movie, "The Dark Knight". In the movie, Alfred explains to Bruce Wayne that Batman forced the mob in desperation to turn to the Joker, a man "who they didn't understand". Germany, humiliated at Versailles and broken by the continued failures of the Weimar Republic, was in a desperate situation. In desperation, they turned to a man named Hitler, who in many ways they didn't fully understand.
Black also treats Eleanor Roosevelt as fairly as he does Franklin. Although she is not the subject of the book, as his wife, she is difficult to ignore. From Black's perspective, Eleanor was in some ways politically naive, especially regarding the faults of the far left. However, she was an absolute hero when it came to championing the rights of the oppressed and the ignored. This ultimately helped the U.S. war effort by taking up the cause of African-American servicemen who would do a great deal of damage to Hitler's domain in the skies of Europe.
"Eleanor Roosevelt also played an important and entirely admirable role in improving the situation of African-American servicemen. The beautiful and talented black singer Lena Horne concluded that German prisoners of war had a better chance of hearing her when she performed than her own people in the U.S. armed forces did. Eleanor received a great deal of information about the segregation of African-American service members and bombarded General Marshall with such a volume of questions and suggestions on the subject that he ultimately had to assign two assistants just to deal with that one important correspondent." (p.824)
I also enjoyed Black's take on President Roosevelt's view of the post-war world. When you look at the big three of Roosevelt, Stalin, and Churchill, you have the representative of the former great superpower, the British Empire, which was now in the final stages of decline, and the two great superpowers that would compete to replace it.
"Roosevelt's attitude towards Communism was not significantly more positive than Churchill's, but he was less afraid of it. He was convinced that progressive democratic government would easily be seen as preferable in every way to Communism, as long as the West did not become bogged down in lost causes such as the defense of untenable imperial commitments." (p.984)
Also, Black debunks the Yalta myth that Roosevelt was too old or too sick to handle Yalta effectively. Black correctly points out that the Yalta meeting was handled very well. The problem was not what happened at Yalta but what happened afterwards.
"At Yalta, the United States and its leaders achieved virtually everything they sought. If the agreement had been adhered to, it would have been a triumph of diplomacy. That this was not the case was due to the non-compliance of the Soviet Union with the agreements. The forty-five-year Cold War ensued, which had many twists and turns, but never a shot was fired between Soviet and Western forces. Eventually, the Western victory in the Second World War was completed with the total disintegration of the Soviet Union." (p.1079)
In conclusion, I would say that this is a very in-depth look at the life of President Franklin Roosevelt. I would still recommend Jean Edward Smith's book to someone who is just beginning to develop an interest in President Roosevelt; Black's work is for the more advanced reader.

An exhaustive (and somewhat exhausting) study of the life and times of FDR.

It truly took me approximately four years to complete this arduous task, but in the end, it was undeniably well worth the effort.

The quantity and quality of information regarding the diverse cast of characters in FDR's life, not only within the US government but also in foreign governments, is both interesting and highly impressive.

The analysis of FDR's background, his numerous achievements, and the reasons why he is considered the most important statesman of the 20th century is really well executed.

Although at times it may seem overly detailed and repetitious, overall, it provides a comprehensive and in-depth understanding of FDR's significance.

I can't help but feel as if I should have earned 3 credits for this extensive research and study.

It has been a remarkable journey delving into the life and times of such an influential figure.

I am now left with a profound appreciation for the impact FDR had on the United States and the world.

Fabulous Biography

A biography is a remarkable account of a person's life. It delves deep into their experiences, achievements, and the events that shaped them.

Biographies can be both inspiring and educational. They allow us to learn from the lives of others and gain valuable insights.

Whether it's the story of a famous historical figure, a renowned artist, or an ordinary person with an extraordinary life, a well-written biography has the power to captivate and engage the reader.

It can take us on a journey through time, introducing us to different cultures, eras, and perspectives.

Biographies also help us to understand the human condition better. They show us the triumphs and tragedies, the joys and sorrows that people experience throughout their lives.

In conclusion, a fabulous biography is a treasure trove of knowledge and inspiration. It has the ability to transport us to another world and leave a lasting impression on our hearts and minds.

This book has been a journey that took me several months to complete.

As I delved deeper into its pages, I found that it significantly enhanced my comprehension of the profound influence this man had, as well as the impact of the Second World War on modern American views, policies, and our global influence.

The detailed accounts and analyses provided a comprehensive perspective that I had not previously grasped.

When the moment finally came that he passed away within the narrative, I was left with a sense of emptiness.

It was as if a significant part of the story had come to an end, and I was reluctant to let go.

This book has truly been an eye-opening experience, and I will carry the knowledge and insights I gained from it with me for a long time to come.

It has not only broadened my understanding of history but also made me more aware of the complex forces that have shaped our world today.

Conrad Black has achieved enormous success in writing and scholarship. His book offers a comprehensive and in-depth exploration of the FDR story. Once you have read this remarkable work, you will truly have a profound understanding of FDR.

It should be noted that Conrad Black has faced his share of difficulties. Some of these were self-inflicted, while others were the result of a highly unjust prosecution. However, despite these challenges, he can take great pride in this wonderful book.

This book is a testament to Black's expertise and dedication. It is a must-read for anyone interested in American history and the life and times of FDR. With its engaging narrative and detailed analysis, it will surely captivate readers and leave them with a greater appreciation for this important period in American history.

Franklin D. Roosevelt, who was elected president for 4 terms and presided over two major crises, the Great Depression and World War II, has been widely studied by historians. There are numerous biographies on FDR. What makes this one unique is that it is written by a British/Canadian author. In a massive 1100+-page one-volume work, Conrad Black rates FDR as far more important to the survival of both his countries. Roosevelt had a great instinct for how events would unfold long after his death, which the author and I believe was approaching in 1945.

FDR was born in 1882 in the Hyde Park residence of his father, James Roosevelt. His life was one of comfort and privilege. He graduated from Harvard around the same time an assassin's bullet made his Republican 5th cousin, Theodore Roosevelt, the 26th president in 1901. He also married another Roosevelt, Eleanor, who was TR's niece, in that decade.

FDR's rise was similar to TR's. Both served in the state legislature, with TR in the Assembly and FDR in the State Senate from 1911-1913. Both became Assistant Secretaries of the Navy, with TR serving from 1897-1898 before going to Cuba with the Rough Riders, and FDR serving for the entire 8 years of Woodrow Wilson's administration from 1913-1921. Both ran for Vice President, with TR winning in 1900 and FDR losing in 1920 when he and presidential candidate James M. Cox were defeated in a Republican landslide.
Partly because of his upper-class background, many people thought FDR was a nice man, a good speaker, and good company, but an intellectual lightweight. Even after his attack of infantile paralysis, which most biographers, including this one, consider the seminal event of his life, people still held this view. All that charm, they thought, couldn't hide a lack of real substance. His struggle with polio is documented better in Dore Schary's play Sunrise At Campobello than in any book.
The person who underestimated FDR the most was New York Governor Alfred E. Smith. When Smith ran for president in 1928, he handpicked FDR as the Democratic candidate for governor. Smith lost and also lost New York State, but FDR narrowly defeated Republican Attorney General Albert Ottinger. Smith, who had practically appointed Roosevelt's entire administration, was shocked to learn that FDR intended to be governor in fact as well as in name. He put Roosevelt people in, which led to a nasty break between the two men that became wide open when FDR defeated Smith and others for the presidential nomination in 1932.
There was never a chance that FDR would not be elected president against Herbert Hoover. The Republicans took credit for the prosperity of the 1920s, but they overdid it and got stuck with the blame for the Great Depression, especially Hoover, perhaps a bit unfairly.
As for the programs and policies of the New Deal, some worked and some didn't. But Roosevelt, in implementing these things, conveyed the image that he cared and was trying. Hoover was stuck in the dogma of free enterprise and was a stiff, cold man in public, despite his reputation as the Great Engineer. Radio and sound motion pictures were available, and FDR, with his radio addresses called Fireside Chats, became the first president to master electronic media. Movies, which cost 10 cents in those days, also publicized him as newsreels allowed the public to see and hear their president and his first lady, who traveled to many places that a crippled president couldn't.
FDR was easily re-elected in 1936 and then, unprecedentedly, for a third term in 1940 with war threatening. Black mentions that part of his boyhood was spent abroad and included a term in school in Germany, a new united Germany under the Hohenzollerns and their Chancellor Otto Von Bismarck. As a child, Roosevelt disliked the militaristic state he saw being built. He really disliked the new chancellor of Germany who came to power around the same time he did, Adolph Hitler. Black feels that Roosevelt knew from the day he took office that war would come.
And come it did with the attack on Pearl Harbor. Isolationist opponents disappeared and became irrelevant after 12/7/41, and FDR was shrewd enough to build bipartisan support to win the war. His war aims were sound. Of the three major allied leaders - himself, Churchill, and Stalin - he was the one who looked toward a future with countries like India and China becoming major powers. He was wrong that China would do it with Chiang Kai-Shek, but right in that he saw it becoming a capitalist market economy state as it is now. As for India, Churchill was so wrong about that future good thing that he wasn't prime minister when India became independent.
His biggest mistake was in the handling of France. But admittedly, Charles DeGaulle was a difficult figure that future presidents also found. FDR had good strategic sense and the best military advisers around, with George Marshall as Army Chief of Staff and Admiral Chester Nimitz running the Pacific naval war against Japan. He was right and the British wrong in that the European war would not be won without a cross-channel invasion to France, it was only a question of timing. And he got good use out of the Republican party's favorite general, Douglas MacArthur, in the Pacific, even in the face of MacArthur coyly hinting at his availability to run for president.
When he died just days short of the end of the European part of World War II, he was universally mourned. We could certainly use a president like him now, as author Black and I agree.

Well, finally this monstrosity is finished, all thanks to an extended 4th of July weekend in Montana.

I had certain specific interests when approaching this book. Sadly, not all of them were given priority by Black. Nevertheless, it's a book that I would recommend to anyone who has an interest in both FDR and World War II. You truly need to be interested in both to make reading it worthwhile.

The book is extremely well-written, with fairly thorough research and is comprehensive, to say the least. In fact, its detail and depth are perhaps its strongest aspects, and this is no small feat considering its 1,600 pages.

The sections on Roosevelt's polio, his first term as President, and the two years leading up to Pearl Harbor are essential reading for any student of American history.

The author's fandom, if that's the right word, definitely seeps through almost every major element of the biography. He seems overly eager to fault everyone around Roosevelt but never the man himself. It's not surprising that the final 45 pages present a 7-point thesis on why Roosevelt was the greatest person of the twentieth century.

For me, however, I was more interested in Roosevelt the person rather than Roosevelt the politician and President. Unfortunately, that wasn't the focus of this book.

For example, Black rushed through the pre-war Roosevelt, and by the final one-third, the book slowed down with detailed minutiae from nearly every meeting, conference, and correspondence between the Big Three. Admittedly, it can be quite fascinating, but it's generally an area that has been covered in depth by others.

The more personal close-ups are also too sporadic and inconsistent to provide any real intimate understanding of the man as opposed to the politician or President, something that Caro manages to do successfully.

Ultimately, Black is more of a historian than a biographer.

This is by far the most scholarly work on Franklin Roosevelt.

Not only have I read it five times, but the fact that it has never gotten boring no matter how many times I read it is truly remarkable.

The work may be cumbersome at times due to the excruciatingly studied detail on every fact of Mr. Roosevelt's life, and it may seem dry at times.

However, with Mr. Black's work, it is a great pity that he has not written a biography this in-depth on Sir Winston Churchill.

The book would only be entertaining for those who engage in serious study of this great man.

His thirteen years as President (the longest in our history) carried us through the Great Depression and to the end of World War II in Europe.

It is a shame that Mr. Roosevelt did not survive his last term as President to see the formation of the United Nations and, like Mr. Wilson before him, witness the honors that the country bestowed on him.

All in all, for scholars of Franklin Roosevelt, this is a MUST read.

Over the 1000+ pages, it gives you insights into the man like no other biography has before.

It details his struggle with polio, his romances with Lucy Mercer, Missy LeHand and others, his relationship with Eleanor, and his infatuation with his Uncle "Teddy".

It shows how he followed Theodore Roosevelt's footsteps exactly to the White House and how he learned from TR to never retire until you are absolutely ready.

Conard Black is a great historian, and I anxiously await his next work.