...
Show More
This classic is still highly relevant to our turbulent era of Proud Boys and the like. Takes a structured approach: moving from values to empirical testing. What is Democracy? The answer depends on what we believe is good, right, desirable. Why democracy? Depends both on values, and on interpretations of evidence, facts. What institutions and processes does democracy require? The answer relies more on evidence and empirical judgments, but still what matters depends on values expressed earlier. What conditions favor democracy? Depends entirely on interpreting available evidence.
Answering the first question, what is democracy? The minimum criteria or democratic ideals may never be reached, but they set a standard against which to evaluate alternative possibilities, solutions, practices and institutions. There are 5 criteria: effective participation, voting equality, enlightened understanding, control of the agenda, and inclusion of adults. By these measures, democracies have only in the last 100 years started to meet the fifth one, even though the concept of democacy goes back at least to Ancient Athens. For the second, Why democracy? there are 10 criteria, centering on rights, human development, freedom and prosperity. For the third, a key assumption is intrinsic political equality, based on ethical and religious grounds, the absence of alternatives, prudence and acceptability.
The remainder looks at what conditions favor democracy. Here there is a key distinction between democracies of different scales. At a small scale, such as a primitive hunting group or a town meeting today, there are fewer challenges in meeting the 5 criteria. At a large scale, these challenges loom larger, as participation needs to be through representation, and decisions get increasingly complex. The latter cases need elected officials, frequent fair elections, rules on freedom of speech, independent information, freedom to assemble, and inclusiveness. Again, no democracy meets the ideal in all these criteria, but the criteria set a standard against which to evaluate each case. There are many types of constitutions, electoral, party and leadership structures, and none can be called "best practice": it depends on the context. If conditions are favorable, democracy will work, if not, it probably won't, and if some conditions are favorable, it might work. Favorable conditions are: civilian control of military and police, democratic cultural beliefs, no strong foreign control opposing democracy, market economy, and reasonable cultural homogeneity. Looking forward, it is impossible to predict whether democracy will spread wider, as it has since the 1950s, or contract. One challenge is the fact that markets lead to economic inequality without deep regulation. A second challenge is increasing internationalism, which is anti-democratic. A third is increasing cultural pluralism, making consensus harder to achieve.
First published in 2000, updated with new chapters from Ira Shapiro in 2020. Shapiro confirms that Dahl's insights are still highly relevant today. In my view, the updating of the book should have said more about the rise of China, which has delivered rapid improvements in human development, albeit without key freedoms and liberties, through a different model of participation and accountability. Does this pose an existential challenge to democracy, or is it a unique model that will only work in China's special historical context?
Answering the first question, what is democracy? The minimum criteria or democratic ideals may never be reached, but they set a standard against which to evaluate alternative possibilities, solutions, practices and institutions. There are 5 criteria: effective participation, voting equality, enlightened understanding, control of the agenda, and inclusion of adults. By these measures, democracies have only in the last 100 years started to meet the fifth one, even though the concept of democacy goes back at least to Ancient Athens. For the second, Why democracy? there are 10 criteria, centering on rights, human development, freedom and prosperity. For the third, a key assumption is intrinsic political equality, based on ethical and religious grounds, the absence of alternatives, prudence and acceptability.
The remainder looks at what conditions favor democracy. Here there is a key distinction between democracies of different scales. At a small scale, such as a primitive hunting group or a town meeting today, there are fewer challenges in meeting the 5 criteria. At a large scale, these challenges loom larger, as participation needs to be through representation, and decisions get increasingly complex. The latter cases need elected officials, frequent fair elections, rules on freedom of speech, independent information, freedom to assemble, and inclusiveness. Again, no democracy meets the ideal in all these criteria, but the criteria set a standard against which to evaluate each case. There are many types of constitutions, electoral, party and leadership structures, and none can be called "best practice": it depends on the context. If conditions are favorable, democracy will work, if not, it probably won't, and if some conditions are favorable, it might work. Favorable conditions are: civilian control of military and police, democratic cultural beliefs, no strong foreign control opposing democracy, market economy, and reasonable cultural homogeneity. Looking forward, it is impossible to predict whether democracy will spread wider, as it has since the 1950s, or contract. One challenge is the fact that markets lead to economic inequality without deep regulation. A second challenge is increasing internationalism, which is anti-democratic. A third is increasing cultural pluralism, making consensus harder to achieve.
First published in 2000, updated with new chapters from Ira Shapiro in 2020. Shapiro confirms that Dahl's insights are still highly relevant today. In my view, the updating of the book should have said more about the rise of China, which has delivered rapid improvements in human development, albeit without key freedoms and liberties, through a different model of participation and accountability. Does this pose an existential challenge to democracy, or is it a unique model that will only work in China's special historical context?