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When V.S. Naipaul aims his full rhetorical arsenal at you, the odds of coming out unscathed are essentially nil. Beyond Belief: Islamic Excursions Among the Converted Peoples was Naipaul’s harshest critique of Islam and Muslims, written fifteen years after his more concilatory first book on the subject, Among the Believers. In this book Naipuaul visits the same four countries he did the first time: Iran, Malaysia, Pakistan and Indonesia. In some cases he even manages to connect with the same people he met last. Like most of his nonfiction, this is a travelogue mixed with his own opinions and ideas. There are clear elements of the ultraconservative political philosophy that he developed later in life. The result is a challenging, beautifully written, and at times infuriating book.
The subtitle gives an important signal of Naipaul’s own premises. These four countries are of interest to him because they are “converted peoples” to Islam. Naipaul views Islam as an essentially Arab religion; anyone who is not an Arab and follows the religion is a contingent Muslim at best. It never occurs to Naipaul that after fourteen centuries other peoples might consider Islam to be their indigenous religion, nor does he consider the fact that even Arabs themselves are converts to Islam from their pre-Islamic local beliefs. Naipaul was famously open about the fact that he did not spend much time in study. He simply went out and let people explain themselves to him in their own words. It’s undoubtedly part of what made him such a gifted journalist. But it also gave him significant blindspots, which were then filled in with his own ideological preconceptions. His ideology is worth interrogating.
For most of Islamic history the intellectual heartlands of the religion were in Central and South Asia, as well as Asia Minor. Islam ceased to be a primarily Arab religion in large part after the Mongol conquest of Baghdad in the 13th century. For centuries the greatest flowering of Islamic thought, philosophy and society occurred in places like Iran, India, Turkey and other non-Arab locales. Naipaul does not engage with or even seem interested by this. This leads him to make all types of erroneous assumptions, like seeing mid-century Indian Muslims wearing the fez as a sign of internalized Arab domination. In reality the fez was invented by late-Turkish modernizers to give a new civic uniform for Muslim identity. It then became widely popular as a sign of Islamic modernity, not premodern atavism.
Likewise, Naipaul scathingly claims that non-Arab Muslims have contempt for the places they actually live and invest all their spiritual energies in the sands of Arabia — the holy sites of another people. This is a remarkable claim to make for someone who spent so much time in South Asia, which, like most of the Islamic world, is overflowing with Sufi shrines dedicated to entirely local saints who would be unknown to most Arabs. Naipaul goes even further in revealing his ignorance by casually describing the late-Pakistani Islamic scholar Fazlur Rahman as a “fundamentalist fanatic,” hypocritically taking advantage of the freedoms of the United States by teaching at the University of Chicago. This seems to suggest he knew nothing at all about the man, who was regarded as one of the preeminent Muslim modernists of the 20th century (Wikipedia him and see for yourself). Had Rahman been alive at the time of publishing he would’ve been well within his rights to seek damages for this slanderous drive-by. Naipaul was clearly so consumed with making his case that the facts became potentially irrelevant. This is the hallmark of an ideologue; a man who began slipping later in his career.
The question of his own beliefs are important. As curious as they seem, Naipaul’s ideas about Islam’s “converted peoples” are a consistent expression of contermpory Hindu nationalism. Indeed, this was an ideology that he was openly sympathetic with. The worldview of the Hindu nationalists in India considers Islam and its followers as undesirable remnants of past imperial conquerors. Those who are Muslim today are really Hindus who have developed false consciousness. It is clear from Naipaul’s writings that he views the existence of non-Arab Muslims (particularly South and East Asians) as something of an affront in itself. These misguided people are living reminders of past humiliations. They fail to see themselves as who they really are, and strangely choose to identify with their antique oppressor. It is not hard to go from that sentiment to the belief that the final stage of anti-imperialism would be to either forcibly convert them back to their supposed “primordial” religion, or get rid of them once and for all.
This idea is held closely by Hindu nationalists in India today, who are highly exercised over historical crimes committed by Muslim conquerors hundreds of years ago. A similar thought also helped animate the Bosnian genocide. That project was led by demagogues who convinced the Serbian people that their Slavic Muslim neighbors were actually the unfinished business of their old wars against the Ottoman Empire. This type of worldview is dangerous, but also just as misguided in its quest for purity as any kind of fascism. It fails to account for the fact that everyone is a convert from something at some point. There is no imaginary primordial point to return to. We must deal with each other as we are today and respect that other people’s identity is not an inherent assault against us. Anyone who mused about, or actually tried, forcibly converting Latin Americans back to their pre-Catholic religions would be rightly considered a maniac. In Naipaul’s case he also fails to account for the fact that most Asians became Muslim through trade contacts and itinerant preachers, rather than conquest. Many people then enjoyed being part of a universal community with the potential to transcend race or locality.
Having said that, Naipaul still has a point about many things. His chapter on Pakistan deftly takes aim at the present state of the country. But he also lands some sledgehammer blows against its very shaky ideological foundations. Even if Islam has not been an Arab religion for a long time, in the 20th century and with the discovery of oil wealth many have begun to interpret it that way. The poor people of Asia, impressed with the sudden wealth of the Gulf Arabs, became an easy mark. Pakistanis are a people with a massive identity crisis, a neurosis. This is because they are essentially Indians who — at the moment of entering the modern world — were handed a very unstable nationalist ideology and told to run with it. The main progenitor of the idea died within a year of the state’s creation. It has been difficult to make it make sense in the aftermath.
Almost all Pakistanis are people whose ancestors were Hindus, very few are direct descendants of Turkic, Irani or Arab outsiders. Islam grew in the subcontinent in an environment shaped by Hindu culture. The failure to acknowledge that and give Hinduism its due in shaping Indian Islam would understandably chafe at a proud Brahmin like Naipaul. An abstract Islam was never a solid basis for a modern nationalist ideology. The new state almost immediately went to war against itself over linguistic issues, as well as simple conflicts about land and power. Meanwhile the hundred million Muslims left behind in India found themselves fatally disenfranchised. Partition reinforced the clash-of-civilizations fantasies of demagogues on both sides. All of this is a calamity that South Asia has yet to recover from.
Naipaul claims that in carving an unprecedented zone of religious homogeneity out of India, a land of traditional heterogeneity, the land that became Pakistan “ceased to be India” for the first time in its history. This is an accusation worth contemplating. Unlike the Christian world which totally supplanted its pre-Christian inheritors, the pre-Islamic world still lives in Asia. Instead of studying it, many Muslims have merely dismissed it as “jahiliyya.” Even worse, the so-called jahili people are still around to hear these often rude dismissals. This is both ignorant — harmful to Muslims who should study their antiquity instead of merely scorning it — as well as offensive and fertile ground for xenophobic attitudes.
The nation of Pakistan was the brief, poorly-thought out dream of a few idealistic men. It has been a painful experience and it may yet end painfully. Nonetheless, it exists now and the best should be made out of it. Naipaul is right to harshly appraise its contemporary state. The medieval cruelty of rural feudalism and the socio-political strife of the cities is the ugly reality. People are confused and cut off from much of themselves. Despite that there are gifted and humane people there who have made the country survive, even achieve a few things, and who continue to do so. Ironically, the only sympathetic figure he seems to find in the country is one man who has quietly become an atheist. I consider this to be the product of Naipaul’s own blinkered perspective; he simply identified what he was hoping to find.
Naipaul almost always manages to keep an even keel, but in this book he borders on the venomous. People invite him into their homes and apparently treat him with exquisite courtesy, only for him to denounce them, sometimes with much ignorance, in his writings. It is well known that later in his life his politics took on an almost unbearable cast. I found myself cringing at points while reading this. But it softened the blow that despite his increasingly cantankerous nature over the years, Naipaul’s prose remained as sublime as ever. It may have even gotten better. This book is gorgeously written. And in between his accusations about Islam and Muslims — some contentious and some painfully on the mark — he also drops some captivating general reflections. Among them is about the false belief that the “New World” lacked for holy sites compared to Asia. In reality the people to whom this world was holy, the native peoples, were simply wiped out. The necessity of honor and code in a society without reliable law (he references this in the case of the Pashtuns) is another true and sobering thought. Even at his most unpleasant as a travel companion, Naipaul still has many gems of wisdom.
This is a book that people should reflect on without uncritically accepting all its claims. Reading it as a Muslim is a strange experience. It’s like reading the words of someone who was simultaneously an enemy and a teacher. Naipaul did not like Muslims; if he had a magic wand he would have gladly converted them all back to their supposed primordial beliefs. Nonetheless, given the pitiful state of the Muslim world it’d be good to listen to the words of some of its more eloquent and aggressive critics. You always have to give Naipaul his due: his opinions were not cheap.
The subtitle gives an important signal of Naipaul’s own premises. These four countries are of interest to him because they are “converted peoples” to Islam. Naipaul views Islam as an essentially Arab religion; anyone who is not an Arab and follows the religion is a contingent Muslim at best. It never occurs to Naipaul that after fourteen centuries other peoples might consider Islam to be their indigenous religion, nor does he consider the fact that even Arabs themselves are converts to Islam from their pre-Islamic local beliefs. Naipaul was famously open about the fact that he did not spend much time in study. He simply went out and let people explain themselves to him in their own words. It’s undoubtedly part of what made him such a gifted journalist. But it also gave him significant blindspots, which were then filled in with his own ideological preconceptions. His ideology is worth interrogating.
For most of Islamic history the intellectual heartlands of the religion were in Central and South Asia, as well as Asia Minor. Islam ceased to be a primarily Arab religion in large part after the Mongol conquest of Baghdad in the 13th century. For centuries the greatest flowering of Islamic thought, philosophy and society occurred in places like Iran, India, Turkey and other non-Arab locales. Naipaul does not engage with or even seem interested by this. This leads him to make all types of erroneous assumptions, like seeing mid-century Indian Muslims wearing the fez as a sign of internalized Arab domination. In reality the fez was invented by late-Turkish modernizers to give a new civic uniform for Muslim identity. It then became widely popular as a sign of Islamic modernity, not premodern atavism.
Likewise, Naipaul scathingly claims that non-Arab Muslims have contempt for the places they actually live and invest all their spiritual energies in the sands of Arabia — the holy sites of another people. This is a remarkable claim to make for someone who spent so much time in South Asia, which, like most of the Islamic world, is overflowing with Sufi shrines dedicated to entirely local saints who would be unknown to most Arabs. Naipaul goes even further in revealing his ignorance by casually describing the late-Pakistani Islamic scholar Fazlur Rahman as a “fundamentalist fanatic,” hypocritically taking advantage of the freedoms of the United States by teaching at the University of Chicago. This seems to suggest he knew nothing at all about the man, who was regarded as one of the preeminent Muslim modernists of the 20th century (Wikipedia him and see for yourself). Had Rahman been alive at the time of publishing he would’ve been well within his rights to seek damages for this slanderous drive-by. Naipaul was clearly so consumed with making his case that the facts became potentially irrelevant. This is the hallmark of an ideologue; a man who began slipping later in his career.
The question of his own beliefs are important. As curious as they seem, Naipaul’s ideas about Islam’s “converted peoples” are a consistent expression of contermpory Hindu nationalism. Indeed, this was an ideology that he was openly sympathetic with. The worldview of the Hindu nationalists in India considers Islam and its followers as undesirable remnants of past imperial conquerors. Those who are Muslim today are really Hindus who have developed false consciousness. It is clear from Naipaul’s writings that he views the existence of non-Arab Muslims (particularly South and East Asians) as something of an affront in itself. These misguided people are living reminders of past humiliations. They fail to see themselves as who they really are, and strangely choose to identify with their antique oppressor. It is not hard to go from that sentiment to the belief that the final stage of anti-imperialism would be to either forcibly convert them back to their supposed “primordial” religion, or get rid of them once and for all.
This idea is held closely by Hindu nationalists in India today, who are highly exercised over historical crimes committed by Muslim conquerors hundreds of years ago. A similar thought also helped animate the Bosnian genocide. That project was led by demagogues who convinced the Serbian people that their Slavic Muslim neighbors were actually the unfinished business of their old wars against the Ottoman Empire. This type of worldview is dangerous, but also just as misguided in its quest for purity as any kind of fascism. It fails to account for the fact that everyone is a convert from something at some point. There is no imaginary primordial point to return to. We must deal with each other as we are today and respect that other people’s identity is not an inherent assault against us. Anyone who mused about, or actually tried, forcibly converting Latin Americans back to their pre-Catholic religions would be rightly considered a maniac. In Naipaul’s case he also fails to account for the fact that most Asians became Muslim through trade contacts and itinerant preachers, rather than conquest. Many people then enjoyed being part of a universal community with the potential to transcend race or locality.
Having said that, Naipaul still has a point about many things. His chapter on Pakistan deftly takes aim at the present state of the country. But he also lands some sledgehammer blows against its very shaky ideological foundations. Even if Islam has not been an Arab religion for a long time, in the 20th century and with the discovery of oil wealth many have begun to interpret it that way. The poor people of Asia, impressed with the sudden wealth of the Gulf Arabs, became an easy mark. Pakistanis are a people with a massive identity crisis, a neurosis. This is because they are essentially Indians who — at the moment of entering the modern world — were handed a very unstable nationalist ideology and told to run with it. The main progenitor of the idea died within a year of the state’s creation. It has been difficult to make it make sense in the aftermath.
Almost all Pakistanis are people whose ancestors were Hindus, very few are direct descendants of Turkic, Irani or Arab outsiders. Islam grew in the subcontinent in an environment shaped by Hindu culture. The failure to acknowledge that and give Hinduism its due in shaping Indian Islam would understandably chafe at a proud Brahmin like Naipaul. An abstract Islam was never a solid basis for a modern nationalist ideology. The new state almost immediately went to war against itself over linguistic issues, as well as simple conflicts about land and power. Meanwhile the hundred million Muslims left behind in India found themselves fatally disenfranchised. Partition reinforced the clash-of-civilizations fantasies of demagogues on both sides. All of this is a calamity that South Asia has yet to recover from.
Naipaul claims that in carving an unprecedented zone of religious homogeneity out of India, a land of traditional heterogeneity, the land that became Pakistan “ceased to be India” for the first time in its history. This is an accusation worth contemplating. Unlike the Christian world which totally supplanted its pre-Christian inheritors, the pre-Islamic world still lives in Asia. Instead of studying it, many Muslims have merely dismissed it as “jahiliyya.” Even worse, the so-called jahili people are still around to hear these often rude dismissals. This is both ignorant — harmful to Muslims who should study their antiquity instead of merely scorning it — as well as offensive and fertile ground for xenophobic attitudes.
The nation of Pakistan was the brief, poorly-thought out dream of a few idealistic men. It has been a painful experience and it may yet end painfully. Nonetheless, it exists now and the best should be made out of it. Naipaul is right to harshly appraise its contemporary state. The medieval cruelty of rural feudalism and the socio-political strife of the cities is the ugly reality. People are confused and cut off from much of themselves. Despite that there are gifted and humane people there who have made the country survive, even achieve a few things, and who continue to do so. Ironically, the only sympathetic figure he seems to find in the country is one man who has quietly become an atheist. I consider this to be the product of Naipaul’s own blinkered perspective; he simply identified what he was hoping to find.
Naipaul almost always manages to keep an even keel, but in this book he borders on the venomous. People invite him into their homes and apparently treat him with exquisite courtesy, only for him to denounce them, sometimes with much ignorance, in his writings. It is well known that later in his life his politics took on an almost unbearable cast. I found myself cringing at points while reading this. But it softened the blow that despite his increasingly cantankerous nature over the years, Naipaul’s prose remained as sublime as ever. It may have even gotten better. This book is gorgeously written. And in between his accusations about Islam and Muslims — some contentious and some painfully on the mark — he also drops some captivating general reflections. Among them is about the false belief that the “New World” lacked for holy sites compared to Asia. In reality the people to whom this world was holy, the native peoples, were simply wiped out. The necessity of honor and code in a society without reliable law (he references this in the case of the Pashtuns) is another true and sobering thought. Even at his most unpleasant as a travel companion, Naipaul still has many gems of wisdom.
This is a book that people should reflect on without uncritically accepting all its claims. Reading it as a Muslim is a strange experience. It’s like reading the words of someone who was simultaneously an enemy and a teacher. Naipaul did not like Muslims; if he had a magic wand he would have gladly converted them all back to their supposed primordial beliefs. Nonetheless, given the pitiful state of the Muslim world it’d be good to listen to the words of some of its more eloquent and aggressive critics. You always have to give Naipaul his due: his opinions were not cheap.