The Chomsky-Foucault Debate: On Human Nature

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Two of the twentieth century's most influential thinkers debate a perennial question.
In 1971, at the height of the Vietnam War and at a time of great political and social instability, two of the world's leading intellectuals, Noam Chomsky and Michel Foucault, were invited by Dutch philosopher Fons Edlers to debate an age-old question: is there such a thing as "innate" human nature independent of our experiences and external influences?
The resulting dialogue is one of the most original, provocative, and spontaneous exchanges to have occurred between contemporary philosophers, and above all serves as a concise introduction to their basic theories. What begins as a philosophical argument rooted in linguistics (Chomsky) and the theory of knowledge (Foucault), soon evolves into a broader discussion encompassing a wide range of topics, from science, history, and behaviorism to creativity, freedom, and the struggle for justice in the realm of politics.
In addition to the debate itself, this volume features a newly written introduction by noted Foucault scholar John Rajchman and includes additional text by Noam Chomsky.

213 pages, Paperback

First published January 1,1974

About the author

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Avram Noam Chomsky is an American professor and public intellectual known for his work in linguistics, political activism, and social criticism. Sometimes called "the father of modern linguistics", Chomsky is also a major figure in analytic philosophy and one of the founders of the field of cognitive science. He is a laureate professor of linguistics at the University of Arizona and an institute professor emeritus at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT). Among the most cited living authors, Chomsky has written more than 150 books on topics such as linguistics, war, and politics. In addition to his work in linguistics, since the 1960s Chomsky has been an influential voice on the American left as a consistent critic of U.S. foreign policy, contemporary capitalism, and corporate influence on political institutions and the media.
Born to Ashkenazi Jewish immigrants in Philadelphia, Chomsky developed an early interest in anarchism from alternative bookstores in New York City. He studied at the University of Pennsylvania. During his postgraduate work in the Harvard Society of Fellows, Chomsky developed the theory of transformational grammar for which he earned his doctorate in 1955. That year he began teaching at MIT, and in 1957 emerged as a significant figure in linguistics with his landmark work Syntactic Structures, which played a major role in remodeling the study of language. From 1958 to 1959 Chomsky was a National Science Foundation fellow at the Institute for Advanced Study. He created or co-created the universal grammar theory, the generative grammar theory, the Chomsky hierarchy, and the minimalist program. Chomsky also played a pivotal role in the decline of linguistic behaviorism, and was particularly critical of the work of B.F. Skinner.
An outspoken opponent of U.S. involvement in the Vietnam War, which he saw as an act of American imperialism, in 1967 Chomsky rose to national attention for his anti-war essay "The Responsibility of Intellectuals". Becoming associated with the New Left, he was arrested multiple times for his activism and placed on President Richard M. Nixon's list of political opponents. While expanding his work in linguistics over subsequent decades, he also became involved in the linguistics wars. In collaboration with Edward S. Herman, Chomsky later articulated the propaganda model of media criticism in Manufacturing Consent, and worked to expose the Indonesian occupation of East Timor. His defense of unconditional freedom of speech, including that of Holocaust denial, generated significant controversy in the Faurisson affair of the 1980s. Chomsky's commentary on the Cambodian genocide and the Bosnian genocide also generated controversy. Since retiring from active teaching at MIT, he has continued his vocal political activism, including opposing the 2003 invasion of Iraq and supporting the Occupy movement. An anti-Zionist, Chomsky considers Israel's treatment of Palestinians to be worse than South African–style apartheid, and criticizes U.S. support for Israel.
Chomsky is widely recognized as having helped to spark the cognitive revolution in the human sciences, contributing to the development of a new cognitivistic framework for the study of language and the mind. Chomsky remains a leading critic of U.S. foreign policy, contemporary capitalism, U.S. involvement and Israel's role in the Israeli–Palestinian conflict, and mass media. Chomsky and his ideas are highly influential in the anti-capitalist and anti-imperialist movements. Since 2017, he has been Agnese Helms Haury Chair in the Agnese Nelms Haury Program in Environment and Social Justice at the University of Arizona.

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July 15,2025
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Mediator: 'Well, may I first of all ask you not to make your answers so lengthy.' [Foucault laughs.]


This book is a transcription of a debate between Chomsky and Foucault, available on YouTube (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=3wfNl...). In the first part, epistemological themes are debated. The mediator attempts to give some direction to the discussion but is summarily ignored.


The second part, about politics, is much more accessible. The differences in thinking between Chomsky and Foucault are, in the end, irreconcilable. Chomsky believes in the existence of objective concepts of Justice, natural rights, human nature, etc. He envisions a type of society organized in free associations that allow humans to satisfy their innate need for useful and creative work.


Foucault, on the other hand, doesn't even accept that there is something like an innate need for every human being, and the very concept of human nature doesn't have as much validity for him. He argues that supposedly innate and absolute notions like this are only the result of the social context and are therefore inherently limited. Just because of this, he believes that it is not possible to conceive of an ideal model of society as Chomsky proposes. For him, any idea of what an ideal society would be would already be flawed, simply because it is thought according to current values. The most we can do in our political action is to seek to identify and denounce the power relations present in social institutions, especially in those institutions that claim to be neutral and independent (such as universities, for example).


I tend to like Chomsky's universalist current more, perhaps only because the alternative seems cold and cruel to me.


I felt a lack of more content in the book. If it is going to cost R$ 30.00 for a transcription, it would be great if they had added some extras, perhaps articles elaborating on the topics treated or something of the sort. The introduction at the beginning helps, but it is little.
July 15,2025
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In 2019, it remains unclear as to the exact reasons behind their disagreement or even what Foucault's precise point truly is.

It is obvious that norms are generated by societal institutions and that they are inherent within us. Chomsky, on the other hand, is actually making a significant point regarding human freedom.

We cannot simply assail society; rather, we require a positive plan.

In 2020, it seems that it is just two academic leftists talking past one another. This is interesting for me, as someone who is now aware of the analytic-Continental split.

However, Chomsky does not appear to be engaging with Foucault. I mean, how can we design our future? Isn't this just utopian?

It is not about lacking a plan; rather, it is about avoiding utopian universalism and responding to the current social makeup.

In 2021, debates can be annoying if one is reading them with an eye for a triumphant party. This is enjoyable for me because it is like witnessing in person what occurs in my head.

As a student interested in Continental philosophy at an analytic university and also studying generative linguistics, while there are definitely more productive entanglements between the two traditions, it is fascinating to observe one that is more improvisational (less methodical).

July 15,2025
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The Chomsky-Foucault debate, which consisted of only 89 pages (with the other chapters being separate interviews with Chomsky and Foucault), was an outstanding book. It truly provided me with an abundance of food for thought and opportunities for further research.

I found myself constantly engaged in deep reflection as I delved into the ideas presented in this book. The exchange between Chomsky and Foucault was both intellectually stimulating and thought-provoking.

It opened up new avenues of exploration for me, inspiring me to dig deeper into the relevant topics. I cannot recommend this book highly enough.

P.S. It should be noted that I read all of my books in PDF or EPUB formats. As a result, the page numbers I refer to may not correspond exactly to those of the print editions. However, this does not in any way detract from the value and significance of the content within the book.
July 15,2025
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A rather good window into the thought of Noam Chomsky and Michel Foucault is presented. I'm not entirely certain that this volume would stand alone extremely well. However, it surely clarifies the work of each by presenting them in contrast. Thus, it makes a great companion to each man's writings.


This is the transcript of a debate held by Dutch television in 1971. In it, Chomsky (speaking in English) and Foucault (in French) responded to the questions posed by moderator Fons Elders regarding human nature and political justice. Loosely speaking, Chomsky contended that there is such a thing as a universal human nature and an ideal of justice that transcends self-interest. Foucault, on the other hand, argued that human thought is the result of its cultural context and that political activity is an expression of collective self-interest. (To speak much too broadly, they were debating whether human experience is defined by nature or nurture.) In fact, though, the two men agreed on most crucial points, and most differences between them were differences in emphasis.


Chomsky's key contention was that human language and human scientific "creativity" (i.e., the generation of scientific hypotheses, experiments, and theories) demand a certain inborn set of mental dispositions. There is something that human brains have in common at birth, which makes it possible for us to make sense of (and in) the world. It is natural for us to construct workable scientific theories, and it is natural for us to acquire languages very quickly as children based on minimal exposure, because the brain is organized to perceive and comprehend certain kinds of patterns. What we do not do, Chomsky argued, is encounter the natural world, or the sentences constructed by older people, as blank slates, open to all possible patterns. We do not simply receive information passively as it arrives; we file it in mysterious preset categories. Therefore, there is such a thing as "human nature"; there are predispositions in the human mind that are universal to the species.


Foucault, however, emphasized a different aspect of scientific "creativity" - the generation of strikingly new systems of thought - only to downplay its significance. The achievements of a Newton or an Einstein, he said, were not so much the result of individual brilliance as the manifestation of preexisting social tendencies. Scientific creativity in this sense, therefore, is not as liberating as it is often portrayed as being; it is an outgrowth of, and is constrained by, the same larger forces it supposedly challenges.


To some extent, then, Chomsky and Foucault were not debating the existence of human nature but rather arguing that different aspects of it are prominent. They frequently agreed with each other. When the conversation turned to the question of political justice, however, two key points of disagreement emerged.


Both Chomsky and Foucault, of course, strongly identified with the Left, albeit in idiosyncratic ways. In practical terms, Chomsky spoke as an anarcho-syndicalist, advocating class-conscious resistance to the concentrated power of governments and property owners. Foucault took arguably a more cynical position, suggesting that there is no means of escaping from power. The role of an intellectual, instead, is to point out how power operates in order to allow the desired class to appropriate it.


In moral terms, accordingly, Chomsky argued that the role of an intellectual is to speak for justice - for this is what all legitimate political movements seek. Foucault countered that all political movements seek is politics itself - that is, the members of an oppressed class take to the streets not in order to achieve justice but rather to become society's rulers themselves. This proposition clearly perturbed Chomsky.
July 15,2025
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The problem does not lie in changing people's awareness - or what is in their minds - but in the political, economic, and institutional system for producing truth.

This is a valuable and thought-provoking book in a special way. Foucault and Chomsky addressed the issue of human nature in terms of concept and practice, and each of them was able to put forward his related point of view. While we find Foucault's perspective more meaningful in the way that human nature interacts with its society, we find Chomsky meaningful in the special realm that human nature has and that enables it to initiate the interaction in the first place. And they have touched on the relationship between the latency of creativity and the development of the history of human sciences and knowledge.

Chomsky talked about the biological limitations that allow us to build theories but hide a lot of knowledge from us, and he talked about scientific creativity based on the essential realm of the mind. While Foucault attributed it to the mixture between social, cultural, and intellectual circumstances. For this reason, the class struggle for Foucault was victory, while for Chomsky it was the achievement of a particular vision of justice.

Foucault talked about the necessary expansion of truth over power and its practice. However, this is not the problem. The problem lies in liberating truth from the forms of economic, social, and cultural hegemony. For there are emerging hegemonic and controlling systems that form collective awareness. And it must be dealt with and understood first before turning to deal with the general awareness of people, because it is ultimately the result of the systems themselves and stems from them.

Then Foucault addressed the superiority of European rationality over the paternalistic pastoral governance system. However, power itself requires the existence of latent resistance. And our rational attempt to understand power is our way to survival. Therefore, we must support just citizenship in all societies regardless of the offender and the victim, because in the end, every system affects others in one way or another.

This book is read repeatedly for benefit and is cared for to refer back to it each time.
July 15,2025
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This is a very interesting book indeed.

It commences with the engaging debate regarding human nature between Chomsky and Foucault. Surely, this debate is not so much about which one of them is right or wrong, but rather the interpretations provided by both intellectuals regarding the fundamental problem concerning the capacity to learn.

Nonetheless, it is extremely fascinating to listen to the stances of both of them on this matter and the subsequent political ones that emerge later during the course of the debate.

The second part of the book encompasses two distinct interviews about politics with both authors. Despite the complexity of the subject and the difficulty in following the explanations of both thinkers, it is very enriching.

One can gain valuable insights into their political perspectives and the reasoning behind them.

The book offers a unique opportunity to explore the ideas and views of these two influential intellectuals, making it a worthwhile read for those interested in the fields of philosophy, linguistics, and politics.
July 15,2025
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The two parallel lines that occasionally connect.

These parallel lines seem to exist in their own separate worlds, never intersecting according to the rules of geometry. However, there are rare moments when they manage to break free from the ordinary and connect.

It's as if fate intervenes and allows them to come together, even if only for a brief moment. These connections can bring about unexpected changes and new possibilities.

They might create a point of intersection where ideas merge, emotions collide, or relationships are formed.

The occasional connection of these parallel lines serves as a reminder that even in a world of order and predictability, there is room for the unexpected and the extraordinary.

It adds a touch of mystery and excitement to the otherwise linear path of our lives.

We never know when these parallel lines will connect again, but when they do, it's a moment to cherish and explore.

July 15,2025
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I've known about this debate for a long time. However, for some reason, I was always too lazy to really go through it. But then, somehow, I came across a paperback transcript and decided to give it a try.

The first part of the debate focuses on human nature and its "location." Chomsky contends that not only do we have human nature, but it is essential for our creative ability. Here, he defines creativity as the capacity to generate nearly unlimited valuable outputs from very little input. This is largely based on his work in linguistics, where it is impossible to explain a child's linguistic development without assuming a certain linguistic base that our brains have by default due to our evolutionary history.

Foucault, on the other hand, argues that we should be skeptical of the concept of human nature. If it exists, he believes it is a limitation within society, not in the brain itself. I actually think Foucault has a valid point, especially when considering the development of scientific progress and its contingent socio-historical background. Nevertheless, Chomsky's argument is quite straightforward, and I find it difficult to oppose. This is not only on philosophical grounds considering our evolutionary history (even without a more Kantian approach), but also because of Chomsky's linguistic work.

The second part of the debate is about justice vs power, which emerged as politics entered the conversation. This part was rather frustrating. It can be simply summarized as Chomsky arguing that there is such a thing as true justice, and violence (or revolution) is only justified if it is perceived to produce a higher level of justice. Foucault completely rejects this. For him, justice is only a concept specific to our civilization and always depends on power. It neatly represents the worst aspects of postmodernism, especially in its Foucaultian form, where power becomes its only ontology and everything is subordinate to it.

Overall, it was an enjoyable debate with interesting points from both sides. Out of curiosity, I later watched part of the debate on video. I'm not sure if I would recommend the paperback. I would suggest trying the video first, and if the format doesn't suit you, then give the paperback a go.
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