"Not to have read him is to genuinely court ignorance" - Nation

This powerful quote on the back cover truly encapsulates the essence of the book. As you turn each page, you become increasingly aware of how little you know about the events in the world today, especially regarding the extent of the US's involvement. In fact, it's highly likely that you'll initially be skeptical about the numerous affairs in which the US is implicated. The description of events may seem extremely conspiratorial, but the evidence is presented in great detail.

The book presumes a certain level of knowledge about most of the topics it mentions. At many points, it will probably be necessary to pause and conduct some background research. The subject matter涵盖了 several南美国家的冲突、伊拉克战争、美国在世界各地的军事存在、巴以冲突等等。他引用了许多人的观点和言论，或许引用得过多，偶尔也会简化一些动机，但不可否认的是，乔姆斯基有事实依据来支持他的主张。他经常受到攻击，但很少被反驳——更多时候，他的声音只是被边缘化和忽视，因为他所谈论的事情会让某些有权势的人感到非常不安。例如，他提到了美国通过拒绝出席联合国安理会决议来进行“双重否决”的做法，以确保a) 这些决议不会通过，b) 它们不会被报道。书中有几个部分读起来让人非常不舒服；当世界上其他所有国家都接受了禁止太空军事化的协议时，很难找到一个非邪恶的理由来解释美国为何拒绝签署。

This book will undoubtedly challenge your perception of the world and is essential for understanding many of the major events of the past half-century. It forces you to question the status quo and look beyond the surface of what is presented in the mainstream media. By delving into the complex web of international relations and US foreign policy, you gain a deeper understanding of the true nature of power and its implications. Whether you agree or disagree with Chomsky's观点, this book is a must-read for anyone who wants to be informed and engaged in the world around them.

This book truly deserves 5 stars, primarily due to its remarkable writing style.

Each and every topic presented within its pages is meticulously dissected and analyzed from a diverse range of perspectives. Chomsky demonstrates a masterful ability to apply both common and linguistical logic to the content, thereby arriving at well-founded conclusions.

Considering the highly sensitive topic and premise of this book, in most ordinary circumstances, any criticism of the American government's actions worldwide, particularly regarding its foreign policy, is often wrongly labeled as anti-American, which is utterly absurd. However, Chomsky, through his journalistic, historical, and linguistic expertise, manages to present a vast amount of data, all sourced from government briefings, security council deliberations, UN resolutions, and more, in a manner that is easily digestible.

Another factor contributing to this book's 5-star rating is that, while reading, Chomsky's "presence" is more that of a narrator. There is no overt judgment, and all the conclusions are drawn based on basic logical principles applied to the verbatim-reported data.

For anyone渴望 knowledge and a deeper understanding of the geopolitics of the past few decades, this book is an absolute must-read.

Chomsky is truly invaluable. His contributions to the field of linguistics are nothing short of remarkable. He has revolutionized our understanding of language and its structure. His theories have had a profound impact on various disciplines, including psychology, philosophy, and computer science.

Chomsky's work has not only advanced our knowledge but also inspired countless scholars and researchers around the world. His ideas have sparked intense debate and discussion, leading to further exploration and discovery.

Moreover, Chomsky is not only a brilliant academic but also a passionate advocate for social justice. He has used his platform to speak out against inequality, war, and oppression. His activism has made a significant difference in the lives of many people.

In conclusion, Chomsky's work and activism make him an invaluable asset to society. His ideas and contributions will continue to shape our understanding of language and the world we live in for generations to come.

I personally find a great deal of Chomsky's political analysis to be highly compelling. His incisive insights and deep understanding of various political issues often offer a fresh perspective. However, it cannot be denied that his tendency towards one-sided polemicism and his failure to present the other sides of the issues do somewhat weaken his case.

Moreover, despite my respect for his unwavering commitment, his uncompromising positions, which are forcefully presented, have unfortunately led to his being marginalized in much serious political discourse. This, in my view, is extremely regrettable. His political positions may be controversial and even scary to some, but I firmly believe that they deserve a far greater exposure and a more serious hearing.

This work can be regarded as one of the best introductions to Chomsky's political thought. It is an important book to read, regardless of one's opinion of his arguments. It challenges the reader to think deeply about political issues and encourages a more comprehensive understanding of the complex political landscape.

17 years after its publication, reading this by Chomsky feels somewhat humorous. Bush and Blair were indeed horrible, but when we look at 2020 US foreign policy and Trump's "leadership", everything that came before seems to pale in comparison. It is truly astonishing how much has changed in such a relatively short period. Reading Chomsky is an excellent way to keep our critical analysis sharp. His works serve as excellent reminders of all the faux policies and discourses that we, collectively around the world, have been fed to justify US sponsored and led global terrorism. We need to be vigilant and not be misled by such false justifications. We must question and analyze the actions and policies of powerful nations to ensure that justice and peace prevail. Chomsky's insights are more relevant than ever in today's complex and动荡的 world.

Noam Chomsky, once again, masterfully elucidates the historical backdrop of some of the most intricate foreign policy matters of today.

He shatters common fallacies and employs robust evidence to present a realistic, albeit challenging, portrayal of the world.

As we journey from US-sponsored terrorism propelled by domestic politics, to the formulation of the Post World War Two Order (and how momentous world-altering decisions were made not as a result of meticulous analysis, but due to Truman's racist perspectives on other countries) and its inevitable evolution to the crucial foreign policy issues we encounter today, his expertise and intellect are on full display.

His work is not merely a condemnation of American foreign policy over the past several decades, but also an endeavor to comprehend the system that has led us to this juncture and what sustains it.

This book is extremely important for everyone who believes in the conspiracy theory and embraces the idea of opposing American imperialism. But wait, this work is much more complex, important, and dangerous than that.

The author is more famous than can be defined. He is the prominent intellectual and renowned linguist Noam Chomsky, one of the most important and famous contemporary figures. He published this book in 2003, after the American invasion of Iraq. This invasion, along with what preceded and followed it, was the main entry point for the book, and the central idea around which it rotates was put forward by him.

The book begins by presenting a scientific study that predicts the future of humanity after a few thousand years and also ends by presenting the arms race between nuclear powers and the struggle for space weapons, especially on the part of the United States. But what is written between the first and last pages is what really matters.

As I said, the American invasion of Iraq is the basic idea of the book, but it was only an entry point to explore the rationality of the ruling administration in Washington, not only during the Bush Jr. era but throughout the history of the United States, since it became an independent country with sovereignty and capabilities, that is, since the eras of its emergence on the international stage during the Wilson administration, passing through its emergence as the second pole in the world during the Roosevelt, Eisenhower, and Kennedy eras, and reaching absolute hegemony with the Reagan, Bush Sr., and Clinton administrations, and ending with Bush Jr.

I will use here an expression that may seem a bit exaggerated, which is that in this book, Chomsky works on "exposing" or "revealing" the political practices of successive American administrations. The Arab reader, who is accustomed to opposing these policies, may say that this is not new. But the new thing that Chomsky brings here is the close follow-up of these practices, the analysis of the real reasons behind them, and their examination through the American standards themselves. This is evident here through his central questions and his precise calculations, in the guise of the moral intellectual with a sensitive human conscience and wise rationality, in the face of tyranny or the "will to hegemony" of the political administration and its supporters among the academic or media intellectuals.

In several chapters, the author talks about the flimsiness of the justifications presented by the American administration for its actions against a certain country. Through a long review of many stations and historical events, the author proves that the aggressive intention always exists among the decision-makers in the White House. In order to maintain America's hegemony as the most powerful country in history, it is necessary to act as a big bully or a sheriff of the world, which punishes anyone who does not submit to its will or orders. For example, the book talks about the "state terrorism" that America practiced during the Kennedy era against Cuba, with its bombing and recruitment of exile and terrorist groups to overthrow the Castro regime. The same goes for the bloody wars waged by the Reagan administration against Guatemala, Nicaragua, and Vietnam, which led to the killing of thousands, the spread of fear and destruction, and the deprivation of the people's will of the citizens of these countries. The author also does not forget to remind that the jihadists whom America armed in the 1990s were the ones it supplied with weapons, provided them with training camps and bases for operations, in order to defeat the Russians in Afghanistan. Even when some of these jihadists decided to carry out attacks against different American interests, the coordination and cooperation continued in other fields. The author also did not forget to dedicate a whole chapter to the holy alliance between America and Israel and the unlimited support that the former provides to the latter, starting from providing financial and military aid to providing legal cover and international support in the Security Council, which has always condemned the Israeli brutal and criminal practices against the Palestinians, contrary to what the decision-makers in Washington saw in a blatant duality with all the "American values" that American presidents have been repeating without any of them having a grain of authenticity or reality.

As for the situation in Iraq, the author presented a panoramic view of America's relations with Saddam, from its support during his war with Iran when he was not yet a "tyrannical dictator" to his fatal mistake of invading Kuwait, which encouraged America to attack and besiege him and devastate Iraq as a country and a people, until the era of Bush Sr., where the eager desire and hysterical mobilization to占领 Iraq, with all the baseless justifications presented by the Bush and Powell administrations. Here, in particular, the author explores the complete American contempt for what is called the international community, where America is the only one that imposes its will on everyone, and all other countries can only be subservient or join the list of enemies, including international institutions such as the United Nations and the Security Council, which did not hide the disappointment of many American officials and intellectuals with it.

As for the issue of terrorism, Chomsky was clear in saying that the aggressive and invasive practices of the American administration are the main cause of the emergence of extremist jihadist groups against America and the Western world. This anger does not only include fundamentalists or those with conservative tendencies but also includes Democrats and advocates of modernity, who are dismayed by the behavior of Washington that supports Arab dictators and autocrats who are corrupt politically and economically.

This is the most prominent thing that came in the book. Although it is difficult to summarize it in a quick review like this, it is rich in historical references, as well as a large number of sources and references, and the documents that Chomsky cites clearly in support of his views. This huge research effort undoubtedly adds a high degree of authenticity to what he has presented in this work.

The translation was also excellent, which was not an easy task for those who know Chomsky's remarkable linguistic and expressive abilities, as it came in the preface of the translation.

Finally, after 15 years since the publication of the book, the question of its relevance remains, not only for America this time but for the rest of the countries that have become competing for influence. It is up to you to decide: either hegemony or survival.

The last pages of the epilogue have especially been the closest I have come to seriously considering anarchism(?).

"There will be no interference in the US economic policies in the established 'democracy' in Iraq.

That economy which moves by the work of the citizens themselves, who somehow have no right to vote nor leaders who can oppose or resist these blatant and cruel policies and strategies of the US. Then what is the need to defend the country, the land where you were born if the very leaders do not defend it? Achsm. I, who recognize that I do not view migration favorably, without being a nationalist. It seems even more unlikely to stay in a country that is clearly being messed with and no one can or wants to do anything. The economy does not move without the worker, the ordinary citizen. If the work of politicians is to administer the resources of the country, and if a citizen sacrifices his freedom to obtain protection and security and is not obtaining it, he has every right to renounce his country and go where he pleases. The politicians in these countries who have been submerged in third-worldism and the sheep-like US citizens who prefer not to see what the US is doing are themselves accomplices of those abominations, abusive, sick, demonic people, clearly."

Chomsky is extremely unforgiving in this book.

He widely cites elected officials, academics, and news pundits to uncover the jingoistic neoliberal agenda that America has been following for decades.

What surprises me the most is the frankness with which officials talk about the brutal and exploitative means America employs to establish power worldwide.

From supporting murderous dictators to outrightly disposing of democratically elected officials who don't back American business interests.

Chomsky reveals that the pursuit of American hegemony globally involves both Democrats and Republicans.

Kennedy, Reagan, Wilson, Eisenhower, Johnson, Clinton, both Bushes, and all those in between have strived to establish ruthless American rule.

While reading, I recalled the years from Clinton to Bush and was astonished by how much I believed in the lofty rhetoric used to justify the invasions and bombings of foreign countries.

Chomsky does an excellent job of demonstrating how thinly veiled the actual motives of American power are.

Through his examples, he presents the prevailing ideology of American power and shows the callous logic that operates under that ideology.

Occasionally, Chomsky's sarcasm becomes a bit excessive, although it is understandable considering the truly horrifying war crimes and the accompanying flowery narrative and systematic denial that he documents.

As I was reading, I continuously remembered a particular verse from the song 'Strange Ways' by Madvillian.

The album was released just a few months after Chomsky's book, and I'm going to conclude my review with this verse because it succinctly encapsulates what is discussed in Hegemony or Survival:

"They pray four times a day, they pray five
Whose ways is strange when it's time to survive
Some will go of they own free will to die
Others take them with you when they blow sky high
What's the difference? All you get is lost children
While the bosses sit up behind the desks
That cost billions to blast humans in half, into calves and arms
Only one side is allowed to have bombs
It's like making a soldier drop his weapon
Shooting him, and telling him to get to stepping
Obviously, they came to portion up his fortune
Sounds to me like that old robbery/extortion"

Any caring non-Americans are well aware of what the USA has done and is currently doing.

Noam Chomsky, a renowned intellectual, has simply managed to pen it down into one concise and well-organized book.

His work serves as a valuable resource, providing in-depth analysis and insights into the actions and policies of the United States.

By documenting these events, Chomsky allows readers to gain a better understanding of the complex international landscape and the role that the USA plays within it.

His book is not only a testament to his own knowledge and expertise but also a call to action for others to become more informed and engaged in global affairs.

It is essential that we all take the time to read and understand the work of scholars like Chomsky if we hope to make a positive difference in the world.

One of the books that inspired me to write about the American farce of how it invaded Iraq and what it is striving for under the so-called preventive war, which is actually a war of aggression for its own farce in Syria.

Truly, it is a damned hegemony.

I was impressed by the description given by Fidel Castro and his comrades that they shook the edifice of the United States.

The actions of the United States in these regions have brought great disasters and sufferings to the local people. Its so-called justifications are nothing but pretexts for its own self-interests.

We should see clearly the true nature of such actions and oppose any form of aggression and hegemony. Only in this way can we promote world peace and stability.

My favorite book that I highly recommend to all those who say "The US is fighting for democracy in the world" is a thought-provoking one. I have personally witnessed that there are people who hold such views.

This book will make all those who are still willing to think and rethink their beliefs ponder. On the other hand, a die-hard conservative might dismiss all of this as an "unavoidable evil" that the world's most powerful country has to carry out. But is that really the case?

The book contains numerous themes that are repeated in different contexts. Written in 2004, it mainly focuses on the Iraq War and the Bush administration. However, it is not just a book for those who want to learn about the invasion of Iraq and other countries. It is a book about what the US and the rest of the world WANT. What does the US want? Yes, exactly that. By presenting various historical facts, both about Nicaragua, Iraq, and Israel, the author shows that the world is becoming one-sided politically. The US is becoming the hegemon among the world's countries. The US is becoming the teacher of the world's countries. The question is - who teaches the teacher? What should all the other countries do to oppose the interests represented by the US (actually not the interests of the US society, but only the interests of the narrow elite)?

The book answers various questions that a reader might ask. For example, why was Iraq bombed instead of North Korea?

On pages 53-54, it is written: "By the end of 2002, Washington had truly taught the whole world a terrifying lesson: if you want to protect yourself from us, then you'd better learn from North Korea, which is in the face of a real military threat, albeit in this case it is traditional - artillery aimed at Seoul and the US military forces deployed in the demilitarized zone next to it. We will still enthusiastically attack Iraq because we know that it is devastated and powerless. However, North Korea, although under much greater surveillance and being much more dangerous, is an inappropriate target because it can cause a lot of damage. It is hard to imagine that this lesson could be any clearer."

About the "US problem"

On page 58, it is written: "Perhaps this war, even if it is won, will solve the Iraqi problem. But it will not solve America's problems. What people all over the world care most about is how to live in a world dominated by a single country - the United States. People have become very suspicious of us, and they have begun to fear us."

Nevertheless, this book was a lesson for me about human rights. Why do some people have to die and suffer just to satisfy the interests of noble imperialists? How can we oppose them? How did it happen that we live in a seemingly democratic society and go to vote, but the interests of the poor are never satisfied, and the rich continue to fill their pockets?

As an example, I will give the example of Colombia. In 1999, Colombia became the main recipient of US weapons, and the US ensured its economic interests there, of course, under the guise of the fight against narcotics:

On page 79, it is written: "The governors of the southern provinces of Colombia, together with the peasants and the activists of the human rights movement, proposed plans on how to eliminate the coca and poppy plantations by hand and replace them with alternative crops, but they did not receive any attention. At the same time, the land is poisoned with chemical fertilizers, children are dying, and the livestock that has been driven out of the houses and scattered across the country is suffering from diseases and injuries.

Peasant agriculture has been based for centuries on the tradition of passing on the knowledge and experience accumulated over generations, which mothers usually pass on to their daughters. Although this is truly a remarkable human achievement, it can be destroyed with just one blow. This heritage is now being destroyed, and along with it, one of the greatest biological diversities in the world is being destroyed. Millions of farmers, indigenous communities, and Afro-Colombians are forced to live in shacks and temporary shelters. So now, when the people have been driven out, the transnational corporations can freely drill for oil, pump out oil, dump other waste in the mountains, and perhaps use the remaining land for the ranches of the rich or for the export of agricultural products to those places that have lost their wealth and diversity."

The US has never fought for human rights and has always done everything to ensure that no one dares to oppose the interests of its political policies. The best example is Nicaragua:

On page 124, it is written: "Reagan declared a critical situation in the country because 'the policies and actions of the Nicaraguan government pose a particular threat to the national security and foreign policy of the United States'."

On page 126, it is written: "At the beginning of the 1990s, the progress made in the country was described by the World Bank and other international agencies as 'amazing' and 'laying a solid foundation for long-term socio-economic development' (Inter-American Development Bank). The country's health sector made 'unprecedented progress in the developing world in reducing child mortality' (UNICEF, 1986).

For all those who have heard about the Monroe Doctrine, this should not be surprising. These countries are in the sphere of influence of the US and cannot improve the living conditions of their citizens without the consent of the US!

However, the US has never cared about human rights not only in its sphere of influence but also in Europe itself:

On page 144, in 1983, Vice President Bush expressed his admiration for the political and economic progress made by Ceausescu and his'respect for human rights'. Two years later, Reagan's ambassador resigned due to Washington's unwillingness to take into account his concerns about the human rights situation in the country. Shortly after that, Secretary of State Schultz praised the Romanians as 'good communists' and expressed his willingness to visit and provide economic incentives.

However, a military invasion alone is not enough to control a country. The enemies of the US are everywhere, and they all need to be constantly monitored, and they need to be constantly kept on a leash:

On page 204, it is written: "After the Afghan war, there are still US military bases in Afghanistan and Central Asia, which in the current stage of the 'great game' create more favorable conditions for US corporations seeking to control the resources of Central Asia and carry out an encirclement of the Persian Gulf region. It has long been suspected that one of Washington's goals in Iraq, as was reported at the end of the war, is to establish military bases directly in the middle of the oil-producing regions."

Has much changed since 2004? There can be various answers to this question. Is the US still the dominant country in the world, or is it already fading from the scene? After all, many of us have heard so many predictions that Asia will become the completely dominant continent in the future. What is China's real power? After all, it has long dominated the South China Sea, but what about other regions? What impact will China have on the African countries where it is carrying out economic projects? And Russia? How will it change after Putin? Will NATO expand and completely isolate Russia?

These are the questions that every country is seeking answers to. Don't believe all those who claim to know the answers. Or at least one answer. The earth is one. The world is global. Humanity has to solve problems together. The meetings of the United Nations show that agreements are rarely reached, but this has to change. After all, the well-being of all regions is important for our survival, not just the interests of the US elite. Not just the interests of China. Not just the interests of Russia. The interests of all people.