I left this book with a profound sense of admiration for Kissinger's life story. His intelligence, tenacity, and unwavering ability to assert his viewpoint throughout his life are truly remarkable.

These qualities made him a dominant force in his numerous diplomatic negotiations with a diverse range of political actors, both good and bad. His realpolitik strategy, which guided U.S. relations with the rest of the world, had both positive and negative aspects.

On the one hand, it led to détente with the Soviet Union, new missile treaties, U.S.-Vietnam peace negotiations, and the opening of China. On the other hand, it also involved supporting the Chilean coup, backing Argentina's junta in their Dirty War, ignoring the Bangladesh genocide, and bombing Laos and Cambodia during the Vietnam War.

Clearly, the negatives of his policies outweighed the positives overall. This is a significant issue to consider, especially given his wholehearted pursuit of this strategy with Nixon's support.

I am a supporter of the realpolitik foreign policy that he and Nixon advocated, but the drawbacks of their approach are evident and negative. Supporting dictators in overthrowing democratically elected governments and purging their citizen populations under the guise of "anti-communism" is deplorable and unacceptable.

A realpolitik strategy should have guiding principles to prevent it from becoming cynical and adopting a "by any means necessary" approach, as ultimately happened with Kissinger's vision and made the U.S. disliked in many parts of the developing world at that time.

Nonetheless, this book is an excellent biography of a complex historical figure. Kissinger's mixture of egomania, cunning, cynicism, brilliance, and single-minded focus on the task at hand influenced major U.S. decisions in the 1970s, ultimately contributing to the peaceful conclusion of the Cold War.

It is truly a pity that this book was penned in 1995.

One would have relished reading Isacson's perspective on Kissinger's stance regarding the aftermath of 9/11, yet that can doubtless be gathered from other sources.

This book remains a remarkable work that endeavors to grapple with one of the most enigmatic figures of recent times. The exhaustive and well-documented nature of this book leaves me somewhat in awe of Isacson's research abilities. At times, it can be a bit repetitive and perhaps overly "preachy" in advocating various viewpoints (perhaps even Mr. Isacson's own), but it is still a highly enjoyable read.

Frankly, it is astonishing that someone like Kissinger emerged when he did, with both positive and negative implications. Isacson manages to avoid the pitfall that many biographers fall into of "falling in love" with their subjects. This book appears to be fairly balanced in its examination of the Kissinger mystique and what might have driven him. The audacity at times, such as ordering bombings in Cambodia, negotiating with the Soviets, Chinese, and Vietnamese, often without consulting the president (let alone any Congressional members), was tenuous at best. However, given that most of these dealings occurred during the Nixon presidency, an argument can be made that such actions were necessary.

Frankly, once the book progresses beyond the Nixon years and Kissinger initially seems more relieved to be dealing with a "saner" man in Gerald Ford, the book becomes rather dull. But then, the issues of realpolitik that Kissinger advanced and the need for so-called "transparency" (before that term became more fashionable recently) and the need to view foreign policy in light of "human rights" began to clash. Isacson posits the idea that Kissinger was more focused on what was beneficial for the United States and, for the most part, the rest of the world could be damned. But of course, that is shortsighted and not a complete account of the story. Kissinger believed that our foreign policy should not be influenced by how a foreign country treated its own citizens; our interests must seemingly come first, whether it was in dealing with the Soviets regarding the restriction of Jewish passage to Israel or the Chinese in their treatment of protestors in Tiananmen Square. This all began to unravel in dealings in Africa, most notably in Angola and Rhodesia.

Isacson also dwells a bit too much on the salacious aspects of the Kissinger mystique. Once Ford was defeated and Kissinger was relegated to a "private life," Isacson's unrelenting list of the companies that Kissinger's consulting group represented and the people who attended his countless cocktail parties seemed rather absurd and time-consuming. However, when it comes to dealing with the political aspects, Isacson has a keen ear. One telling story is of Kissinger and Brent Scowcroft going on a "hunting expedition" with Leonid Brezhnev while negotiating with the Soviets. This included a visit to the Communist General Secretary's dacha and a hydroplane ride. During this interlude, Brezhnev asks Kissinger what the hydroplane would cost in the U.S. Kissinger responds too quickly, "$400,000." Scowcroft notices Brezhnev's downcast eyes and quickly jumps in, "No, it is more like $2 million!!!" It is one of the few instances in the book where Kissinger didn't mind being corrected by "an underling." He and Scowcroft later commented that with rich Communists like this, these were clearly people they could do business with, perhaps a valuable lesson that still holds true with other regimes today.

Isaacson is truly a remarkable biographer. His works have not only provided in-depth insights into the lives and minds of some of the greatest figures in history but have also captivated readers around the world.

His ability to bring these individuals to life through his vivid descriptions and meticulous research is truly astonishing. Whether it's the genius of Einstein, the innovation of Jobs, or the leadership of Churchill, Isaacson has a unique talent for uncovering the essence of his subjects.

Moreover, his biographies are not just about the achievements of these great men and women but also about their struggles, failures, and personal relationships. This holistic approach makes his works all the more engaging and relatable.

In conclusion, Isaacson is a master of his craft, and his contributions to the field of biography are truly invaluable. Long live the biographer King Isaacson

This book offers a captivating perspective on the life of the most remarkable negotiators and diplomats in the 20th century.

It not only provides a great introduction to the history of American Foreign Affairs over the past 70 years but also delves deep into the minds and strategies of these influential figures.

I would highly recommend this volume, particularly when read in conjunction with some of Kissinger’s own works, such as “On China” and “World Order”.

At certain points, the author appears to be overly critical of Kissinger, perhaps going a bit too far in his assessment. However, there are also times when his criticism is entirely justified.

Overall, this book is a valuable resource for anyone interested in understanding the complex world of international relations and the role that key individuals have played in shaping it.

Malcolm Hillgartner's work is excellently researched, and the prose is clear. He nails the voices of the people he's narrating.

Regarding Kissinger, he lies to people to flatter them. For example, his recent statement "the president [Trump] is learning" was clearly a lie designed to flatter. So, he isn't a satisfying person to investigate. If someone lies all the time, the quality of their character remains inaccessible to themselves and to their audience. The basic description of Henry is that he's conspiratorial, egotistical, yells, backbites, and has thin skin. What an "exciting genius" he is.

A particularly outstanding part of the book is how Henry's intelligence is constantly referred to. However, he was often drastically and violently wrong about most macro social movements. For instance, in Vietnam, it was an indigenous uprising against colonialism, not a conspiracy by the U.S.S.R. planners. The Vietnamese peasants were trying to liberate themselves, not test America's resolve or challenge its credibility. His balance of powers theory was misapplied, causing destruction without achieving stability or his desired outcomes.

An exception to his self-aggrandizing and conspiratorial behavior was the opening to China. But he did it for the wrong reasons, to get Vietnam out of the soviet orbit (which it was never in). So, he can't be complimented for understanding the forces he was interacting with. More likely, he wanted to meet the Chinese leaders for egotistical purposes.

In conclusion, I learned that he's an insufferable person with good social connections, and his peaceful (deceitful) diplomacy was more successful than his violent diplomacy.

Walter Isaacson's Kissinger offers a thoughtful biography of America's most controversial statesman. Henry Kissinger, a Bavarian Jew who fled Nazi Germany in the 1930s, rose to prominence in the United States as a leading intellectual and policymaker.

He first made his mark as a Harvard political scientist, then served as an informal adviser to Kennedy and Johnson, speechwriter for Nelson Rockefeller, and finally as Nixon's National Security Adviser and later, Secretary of State.

Kissinger's reputation soared during a momentous period of American history. Tasked with ending the Vietnam War, he and Nixon initially escalated it with expanded bombings and attacks on neutral neighbors Cambodia and Laos.

The Vietnam strategy had mixed results at best. Kissinger managed to secure a face-saving deal with Le Duc Tho, winning him a Nobel Peace Prize, but it failed to prevent the Communist takeover of South Vietnam.

Kissinger also gained acclaim for negotiating Nixon's detente policies with China and the Soviet Union and became an unlikely celebrity as a "secret swinger."

After Nixon's downfall, he served Gerald Ford, continuing negotiations with the Soviets and handling various Third World conflicts. However, a backlash against detente led to Ford's defeat, despite Kissinger's continued influence in foreign policy circles.

Isaacson, known for his biographies of intellectuals and inventors, is a good fit for this subject. While he is not an uncritical admirer, he sometimes seems overawed by Kissinger.

Kissinger's foreign policy writings in the 1950s and 1960s largely echoed the political consensus of the time, and his concept of realpolitik can be interpreted in different ways.

Isaacson shows that Kissinger often placed power over national interest and morality, as seen in his actions in Bangladesh, Chile, and other places.

Despite his personal faults, Kissinger was a brilliant diplomat who achieved significant results in negotiations with Communist leaders and in cooling Cold War tensions.

Isaacson wants us to view Kissinger as a flawed but brilliant statesman, but readers must decide for themselves whether his "brilliance" can be separated from the ends he pursued.

This is a weighty tome that took me some time to finish.

One of the difficulties for me was that, unlike Isaacson's biography of Steve Jobs that I've read and his bio of Einstein that I'm reading here, I didn't develop an admiration for the man. Kissinger, as presented here, accurately and fairly I believe, was a great man but perhaps not a good one.

In the summary, Isaacson quotes a friend of Kissinger's as saying that if he was 10% less smart and 10% more moral, he might have been a greater man. It seems a fair assessment. Kissinger, who grew up as a Jewish child in Nazi Germany before fleeing to the USA, appears to have been indelibly marked by this encounter with humanity's worst instincts.

It's not unreasonable, but his resulting worldview seems to have led him to shape a world that I don't fundamentally agree with. Was he brilliant? Absolutely. Did he do good? Certainly. Did the policies he promoted cause harm? Also, certainly, though perhaps not more than other policies in the same situations might have.

It makes for an interesting biography. I guess I just expected a bit more admiration for someone I previously only vaguely knew as the foremost statesman of the 20th century. The facts are definitely interesting. After a brief introduction to his past, it's all about Kissinger's work, which was essentially his life.

That work is a bit like watching the sausage being made, a fascinating but bleak picture of American politics in the late 20th century and it explains a lot about American politics in the 21st. Hearing insider details of the Nixon presidency and the rise of the Reagan presidency, I wondered how the government even functions in the US. It seems a miracle that anything is accomplished.

The Ford presidency, of which we get some details, seems a brief moment of civility, and we hear little about Carter. I recently watched a movie called "The Front Runner" that showcases the lead-up to the 1988 American presidential election and how the rules changed regarding a candidate's personal life.

It reminded me of this book, and I see that Trump's presidency is not a radical phenomenon but symptomatic of a system. I found these revelations both informative and distracting while reading this very well-written book.

If you have an interest in US foreign policy in the 20th century or how politics work at the White House level, this is a must-read. Fascinating stuff but rather depressing.

Walter Isakson is a particularly beloved figure in the world of biographies.

I must admit that I wasn't initially all that interested in Kissinger. I didn't know much about the man, and I couldn't even recall him from Nixon's biography.

However, this book offers a great recollection of the Nixon presidency. Isakson's genius is on full display as he presents an honest and unsympathetic look at the man Kissinger.

Is Kissinger the devil's advocate or just a brilliant diplomat? That's a question that Isakson seems to be exploring throughout the book.

Regardless of where one stands on that issue, there's no denying that Isakson has done a masterful job of bringing Kissinger to life on the page.

The book is a must-read for anyone interested in American history, politics, or diplomacy.

I would like to divide my review into three parts: my assessment of the book itself as a biography, my thoughts on Kissinger, and my general comments on America.

This is an extremely interesting book. It is written by one of the most renowned Jewish writers about perhaps the most famous Jewish bureaucrat in history. Walter Isaacson seems to have spent an enormous amount of effort to portray Kissinger as objectively as possible. Depicting someone with a complex personality like Kissinger is no easy feat, but Isaacson managed to achieve this difficult task, perhaps even at the expense of offending Kissinger. The book provides extremely detailed accounts of the events that took place when Kissinger was at the White House. As a result, it is an invaluable source for understanding the background stories of historical events such as the Vietnam War, the Invasion of Cambodia, the Yom Kippur War between Israel and Egypt/Syria, and the shift in American policies toward Russia and China around the 1970s. In terms of the writing style, it is very fluid, which is typical of Walter Isaacson, and it can definitely be classified as a page-turner.

Now, let me talk a little bit about Kissinger. Before reading the book, I had guessed that he was a smart, ambitious, authoritative, cold-blooded pragmatist and realist, which turned out to be correct. However, for some reason, I also thought of him as a wise, mature, deep, philosophical, spiritual, and religious person. I was completely wrong. It was very surprising to learn that he was an insecure, childish, quick-tempered, manipulative, cowardly, flattering man who had no religious attachment and who only chased after low-level 'things' such as power, women, fame, comfort, and food. Not only was he not religious, but he also had no moral compass or ethical values. Lying, backbiting, and deceiving were very normal for him when he was trying to achieve his goals.

Finally, I want to touch upon the American government. The first thing you will notice in the book is how incoherent and incongruent the decision-makers (the President, Cabinet Members, State Department, Congress, CIA) in Washington are. Second, American foreign policies do not seem to be determined based on long-term strategic viewpoints but rather on short-term personal whims, conflicts, goals, agendas of political players, or local politics. It seems that we, non-Americans, may have exaggerated American strategic planning and depth on geopolitical matters. Last but not least, the USA is more vulnerable than it appears. Its pristine, solid, and strong image hides corruption, superficiality, a lack of idealism, and weakness. Now I can better understand how and why the USA failed in Iraq, Afghanistan, South America, and other countries around the world.

In short, if you are interested in politics and/or history, I highly recommend that you read this book. It provides valuable insights into the life of Kissinger and the inner workings of the American government during a crucial period in history.

Cringe man, what a great book!

It's truly a remarkable piece of literature that has captured my attention from the very beginning. The story is filled with engaging characters and a plot that keeps you on the edge of your seat. The author's writing style is both vivid and descriptive, allowing you to easily imagine the scenes and events as they unfold.

One of the things I love most about this book is the way it explores different themes and emotions. It delves into the human psyche,揭示了人性的复杂性 and the struggles we all face in life. It makes you think and reflect on your own experiences and beliefs.

Overall, "Cringe man" is a must-read for anyone who loves a good book. It's a literary masterpiece that will leave you feeling inspired and enlightened. I highly recommend it to all book lovers out there.

This book is, in a sense, an introductory course on American foreign policy all by itself. Isaacson delves deep into Kissinger's philosophy of international relations, exploring both its flaws and strengths.

However, this book is far from being a dry academic text. It is a captivating character study of Kissinger and, to a lesser extent, of President Nixon. As Kissinger is quoted in the book as saying, personality shapes history. Indeed, the strange clashing and complementary relationship between Nixon and Kissinger surely had a profound impact on history. As Isaacson writes it, this relationship is fascinating, bizarre, disturbing, and even a little sweet.

This book offers a dynamic account of American politics and foreign policy. Even though I was already aware of what would happen, I still found myself completely engrossed in the great scope and drama of it all. The opening of China, the détente with the Soviet Union, the treaty between Israel and Egypt to end the Yom Kippur War, not to mention the bombing of Cambodia and the endless negotiations with the North Vietnamese - all these events are vividly described.

Isaacson has an excellent understanding of the forces that shape the foreign policy of the United States. I loved reading about the bureaucratic rivalries within the State Department, the National Security Council, and with Congress. The clashes between Al Haig and Kissinger, the elaborate system of wiretapping, the political theater on Capitol Hill and at the UN - all these aspects add to the richness of the narrative.

Kissinger is a truly fascinating man with a captivating story, and I will undoubtedly read more about him in the future. I greatly enjoyed this biography and would highly recommend it to anyone interested in American politics and history.

Let me state very clearly that when I give this book two stars, it reflects only how I personally react to the book.

It is very well researched and thorough. However, for me, it was perhaps too thorough. Maybe I didn't know enough before picking it up, which made it difficult to follow. Yes, I'm glad I read it, but it was a chore. Keep in mind that I enjoy non-fiction books. I have given four stars to "Steve Jobs", "Einstein: His Life and Universe" and "Benjamin Franklin: An American Life", all by Walter Isaacson.

The book follows Kissinger from his birth in 1923 in Fürth, Bavaria, Germany. There isn't a lot about his parents, sibling or earliest childhood years. There is very little about his two wives or two children. The momentum builds with his years in academia, continues with his political years with Nixon and Ford and finally concludes with his years as a world-famous and sought-after business consultant, carrying the reader through the early 90s. It was first published in 1992 and was a nominee for a Pulitzer in biography or autobiography in 1993. A large portion of the book focuses on the Vietnam War, establishing regular contact with China, the "entente" with the Soviet Union and the shuttle diplomacy in the Middle East.

I'm not going to list his major accomplishments or failures here. While I admire his negotiating ability, intelligence and supreme mastery of semantics, his penchant for secrecy, duplicity and total disregard for polite comportment make him a person I would have difficulty calling a friend. Clearly, many others don't have such difficulties. He was popular with women and had long-lasting friendships with several male colleagues. After reading this book, I do feel I understand his character, which is important to me.

It's very clear that the author has a negative view of Kissinger, which makes me uncomfortable. In a biography, I want an unbiased presentation. Isaacson does acknowledge Kissinger's accomplishments, but his subjective attitude is reflected in his choice of words. There is an excessive use of subjective wording. I wish the author had more often specified what exactly led him to draw a particular conclusion. When a criticism is made, I want background sources specified. Perhaps the paper book has detailed notes, but there is no reference to notes in the audiobook.

One of Kissinger's major achievements was his success in balancing Russian, American and Chinese power. His ability to shift the bi-polar power structure towards a tri-polar field was cleverly maneuvered. The benefit to the US is clear, but nothing is said to explain how the Chinese were thinking.

The author stresses Kissinger's preference for "realpolitik" over a morally motivated foreign policy. This theme is discussed from page one to the very end. I found it exaggerated as reality is more diffuse.

I do not recommend choosing the audiobook. Malcolm Hillgartner reads too fast. This is a non-fiction book with numerous academic and political terms that are often not clarified. One needs time to think. Furthermore, he employs a ridiculous German accent for Kissinger's lines, which makes Kissinger sound even worse than the author's colorfully subjective wording.

I'm glad I read the book, but I'm very glad it's over. Phew.