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Friedman's The Lexus and the Olive Tree served as one of the primary source materials for my undergraduate thesis on the history and literature of indigenous rebellion in Mexico in the context of late-twentieth century international neoliberalism. The book is an imbalanced and under-researched political screed that attempts to make the case for neoliberalism through the deployment of terse and highly oversimplified anecdotes about major geopolitical and historical events.
Friedman accepts establishment claims at face value about the intention and outcome of major historical and economic events and eschews close readings and measured analysis of the academic consensus on matters for which he holds no meaningful expertise or authority. Indeed, there is no effort to analyze the literature of the subject matters that he reviews and the absence of a bibliography is highly alarming, particularly for such an extensive piece of writing covering such diverse topics as the war in Kosovo, press freedoms in the People's Republic of China, the 1997-1998 financial crisis in Southeast Asia, and the Zapatista uprising in Chiapas, Mexico—to name but a few. These are the makings of an intellectual train wreck, which the author gleefully trots into, unbothered by concerns about nuance, rigorous analysis, or personal bias. His frequent and unqualified use of sources like The Wall Street Journal and Foreign Affairs in addition to such wildly nonstandard sources like the United Airlines Hemisphere magazine (p. 175) and a Brazilian management consultant (p. 134-135) is indicative of the absence of effort Friedman put into measured analysis grounded in research. Rigorous, even-handed analysis of the extant literature is entirely missing.
Cheeky turns of phrase like the "electronic herd" and "The Golden Arches Theory of Conflict Prevention" are memorable without being accurate or empirical. They speak to a wider effort to connect with a lay audience interested in geopolitics and capitalist economics but also lay bare the thinly veiled unseriousness of this book as an authoritative resource.
Friedman is an institutional hack, and this tome is a work of political propaganda written for a general audience who the author must only imagine will not question his credentials or research. In the end, he lacks both. The arguments that Friedman presents undervalue historical context, particularly when it does not suit or would perhaps complicate the conclusion he wishes to draw.
This work will be most useful to researchers interested in capitalist propaganda regarding neoliberalism.
Friedman accepts establishment claims at face value about the intention and outcome of major historical and economic events and eschews close readings and measured analysis of the academic consensus on matters for which he holds no meaningful expertise or authority. Indeed, there is no effort to analyze the literature of the subject matters that he reviews and the absence of a bibliography is highly alarming, particularly for such an extensive piece of writing covering such diverse topics as the war in Kosovo, press freedoms in the People's Republic of China, the 1997-1998 financial crisis in Southeast Asia, and the Zapatista uprising in Chiapas, Mexico—to name but a few. These are the makings of an intellectual train wreck, which the author gleefully trots into, unbothered by concerns about nuance, rigorous analysis, or personal bias. His frequent and unqualified use of sources like The Wall Street Journal and Foreign Affairs in addition to such wildly nonstandard sources like the United Airlines Hemisphere magazine (p. 175) and a Brazilian management consultant (p. 134-135) is indicative of the absence of effort Friedman put into measured analysis grounded in research. Rigorous, even-handed analysis of the extant literature is entirely missing.
Cheeky turns of phrase like the "electronic herd" and "The Golden Arches Theory of Conflict Prevention" are memorable without being accurate or empirical. They speak to a wider effort to connect with a lay audience interested in geopolitics and capitalist economics but also lay bare the thinly veiled unseriousness of this book as an authoritative resource.
Friedman is an institutional hack, and this tome is a work of political propaganda written for a general audience who the author must only imagine will not question his credentials or research. In the end, he lacks both. The arguments that Friedman presents undervalue historical context, particularly when it does not suit or would perhaps complicate the conclusion he wishes to draw.
This work will be most useful to researchers interested in capitalist propaganda regarding neoliberalism.