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His excellence in all things is so much a matter of record that, in the American imagination, he has lost much of his humanity. George Washington was the general who led the Continental Army to a seemingly impossible victory over British forces, at a time when Great Britain was the world’s sole superpower. Years later, he presided over the Constitutional Convention at Philadelphia in 1787, and oversaw the drafting of the Constitution that made the United States of America a more perfect union. By universal consensus, he became the first President of the United States; and during his two terms in office, he guided the young nation with wisdom and restraint, and set many of the precedents that we take for granted today as hallmarks of American democracy.
Did he make it all look too easy? Is that why so many of us see him as a stiff, unsmiling figure – a re-animated Gilbert Stuart portrait, strutting robotically across the American stage?
In His Excellency: George Washington, Joseph Ellis restores George Washington’s humanity. In contrast with the hagiographic, cherry-tree nonsense foisted upon the American and international public by so many prior biographers, Ellis works to provide “a more potent, less iconic, portrait” (p. 275). Knowing that the man who did all these extraordinary things was not the Zeus-like figure on the 25-cent piece or the one-dollar bill, but was rather a tall Virginian who constantly fought to control his temper and often doubted his fitness for the positions of importance constantly entrusted to him, makes George Washington’s heroism more human and more real.
Biographer Ellis, of the University of Massachusetts at Amherst, seeks constantly to give the reader the inner Washington, the man behind that gravely courteous, aristocratic façade. When, for example, Ellis considers young Washington’s often-expressed feelings of distrust toward Robert Cary, the London mercantilist who received the tobacco from Washington’s Mount Vernon plantation and shipped consumer goods to Mount Vernon in return, Ellis sees Washington’s negative feelings toward Cary as “a stark statement of Washington’s dependence on invisible men in faraway places for virtually his entire way of life. If the core economic problem was tobacco, the core psychological problem was control, the highest emotional priority for Washington, which, once threatened, set off internal alarms that never stopped ringing” (p. 51).
As a military officer, Washington was far from perfect; any visitor to Fort Necessity in Pennsylvania will see at once that Washington placed that French & Indian War fort “in a hopelessly vulnerable position” (p. 17). During the American Revolution, however, Washington showed a strong ability to learn from his mistakes, as Ellis discusses perceptively what Washington realized during a winter encampment at Morristown, New Jersey, in 1777. As Ellis tells it, Washington disliked the “Fabian tactics” of preserving one’s army by avoiding pitched battles because he considered it a tactic of the weak: “Washington did not believe that he was weak, and he thought of the Continental army as a projection of himself. He regarded battle as a summons to display one’s strength and courage; avoiding battle was akin to dishonorable behavior, like refusing to move forward in the face of musket and cannon fire” (p. 101).
Yet Washington was able to change his thinking, and his tactics, in order to achieve the broader strategic goal of wearing down British willingness to continue the war in North America. Many American generals from the 240-plus years since Lord Cornwallis surrendered to Washington at Yorktown, Virginia, might have benefited from emulating Washington’s example of being able to think anew and act anew.
Ellis’s Washington impresses by his authentic humility; when he surrendered command of the Continental Army and returned to his home at Mount Vernon, Ellis argues, “Washington himself experienced these years as an epilogue rather than an interlude….His public career, he firmly believed, was over, his life nearly so” (p. 150). When what we now know to have been an interlude ended, and Washington answered his country’s call to become the first American President, he wielded power with comparable restraint, choosing, in the realm of domestic policy, “to delegate nearly complete control to his ‘co-adjutors’” because of “his recognition that executive power still lived under a monarchical cloud of suspicion and could only be exercised selectively. Much like his Fabian role during the war, choosing when to avoid conflict struck him as the essence of effective leadership” (p. 200). Good judgment on Washington’s part, especially considering that the “co-adjutors” mentioned by Ellis included James Madison, Thomas Jefferson, Alexander Hamilton, John Adams, Henry Knox, John Jay, and Edmund Randolph. What president wouldn’t want a Cabinet like that?
And Washington’s example of dignity and restraint served the country well one last time, when war hysteria against the French swept the young United States during the administration of Washington’s successor as president, John Adams. While Washington, as American political parties began to form, certainly sympathized with Adams and the Federalists, as opposed to Jefferson and the Democratic-Republicans, nonetheless his “initial response to the hysteria was characteristically measured. He thought the prospects of a French invasion were remote in the extreme” (p. 250), and his voice of moderation once again made a positive difference.
Ellis does not shy from considering Washington’s relationship with slavery; indeed, as Washington was one of the wealthiest slaveholders in Virginia, the issue demands consideration. Ellis’s verdict regarding Washington and slavery is characteristically fair-minded: while “there was a clear long-term evolution in his thinking toward the recognition that human bondage was a moral travesty”, Washington seems to have tried to balance that moral judgment with “a relentlessly realistic insistence that ideals per se must never define his agenda” (p. 259). We may feel that Washington fell short in not pushing more forcefully for emancipation toward the end of his life, after the example of his fellow luminary Benjamin Franklin; but Ellis sees Washington’s restraint in this regard as “an integral part of the same rock-ribbed realism that had proved invaluable, indeed his trademark quality, as commander in chief and president” (p. 259).
His Excellency: George Washington shows us why a thoroughly human and imperfect George Washington can still be considered “primus inter pares, the Foundingest Father of them all” (p. xiv). As historian Ellis grew up in Alexandria, Virginia – where Washington is honored by a Masonic National Memorial that replicates the classical Pharos lighthouse of Alexandria, Egypt; where one can walk into Christ Church and sit down in the Washington pew where Washington worshipped -- perhaps this is the book that Ellis was born to write. It is a great work of biography.
Did he make it all look too easy? Is that why so many of us see him as a stiff, unsmiling figure – a re-animated Gilbert Stuart portrait, strutting robotically across the American stage?
In His Excellency: George Washington, Joseph Ellis restores George Washington’s humanity. In contrast with the hagiographic, cherry-tree nonsense foisted upon the American and international public by so many prior biographers, Ellis works to provide “a more potent, less iconic, portrait” (p. 275). Knowing that the man who did all these extraordinary things was not the Zeus-like figure on the 25-cent piece or the one-dollar bill, but was rather a tall Virginian who constantly fought to control his temper and often doubted his fitness for the positions of importance constantly entrusted to him, makes George Washington’s heroism more human and more real.
Biographer Ellis, of the University of Massachusetts at Amherst, seeks constantly to give the reader the inner Washington, the man behind that gravely courteous, aristocratic façade. When, for example, Ellis considers young Washington’s often-expressed feelings of distrust toward Robert Cary, the London mercantilist who received the tobacco from Washington’s Mount Vernon plantation and shipped consumer goods to Mount Vernon in return, Ellis sees Washington’s negative feelings toward Cary as “a stark statement of Washington’s dependence on invisible men in faraway places for virtually his entire way of life. If the core economic problem was tobacco, the core psychological problem was control, the highest emotional priority for Washington, which, once threatened, set off internal alarms that never stopped ringing” (p. 51).
As a military officer, Washington was far from perfect; any visitor to Fort Necessity in Pennsylvania will see at once that Washington placed that French & Indian War fort “in a hopelessly vulnerable position” (p. 17). During the American Revolution, however, Washington showed a strong ability to learn from his mistakes, as Ellis discusses perceptively what Washington realized during a winter encampment at Morristown, New Jersey, in 1777. As Ellis tells it, Washington disliked the “Fabian tactics” of preserving one’s army by avoiding pitched battles because he considered it a tactic of the weak: “Washington did not believe that he was weak, and he thought of the Continental army as a projection of himself. He regarded battle as a summons to display one’s strength and courage; avoiding battle was akin to dishonorable behavior, like refusing to move forward in the face of musket and cannon fire” (p. 101).
Yet Washington was able to change his thinking, and his tactics, in order to achieve the broader strategic goal of wearing down British willingness to continue the war in North America. Many American generals from the 240-plus years since Lord Cornwallis surrendered to Washington at Yorktown, Virginia, might have benefited from emulating Washington’s example of being able to think anew and act anew.
Ellis’s Washington impresses by his authentic humility; when he surrendered command of the Continental Army and returned to his home at Mount Vernon, Ellis argues, “Washington himself experienced these years as an epilogue rather than an interlude….His public career, he firmly believed, was over, his life nearly so” (p. 150). When what we now know to have been an interlude ended, and Washington answered his country’s call to become the first American President, he wielded power with comparable restraint, choosing, in the realm of domestic policy, “to delegate nearly complete control to his ‘co-adjutors’” because of “his recognition that executive power still lived under a monarchical cloud of suspicion and could only be exercised selectively. Much like his Fabian role during the war, choosing when to avoid conflict struck him as the essence of effective leadership” (p. 200). Good judgment on Washington’s part, especially considering that the “co-adjutors” mentioned by Ellis included James Madison, Thomas Jefferson, Alexander Hamilton, John Adams, Henry Knox, John Jay, and Edmund Randolph. What president wouldn’t want a Cabinet like that?
And Washington’s example of dignity and restraint served the country well one last time, when war hysteria against the French swept the young United States during the administration of Washington’s successor as president, John Adams. While Washington, as American political parties began to form, certainly sympathized with Adams and the Federalists, as opposed to Jefferson and the Democratic-Republicans, nonetheless his “initial response to the hysteria was characteristically measured. He thought the prospects of a French invasion were remote in the extreme” (p. 250), and his voice of moderation once again made a positive difference.
Ellis does not shy from considering Washington’s relationship with slavery; indeed, as Washington was one of the wealthiest slaveholders in Virginia, the issue demands consideration. Ellis’s verdict regarding Washington and slavery is characteristically fair-minded: while “there was a clear long-term evolution in his thinking toward the recognition that human bondage was a moral travesty”, Washington seems to have tried to balance that moral judgment with “a relentlessly realistic insistence that ideals per se must never define his agenda” (p. 259). We may feel that Washington fell short in not pushing more forcefully for emancipation toward the end of his life, after the example of his fellow luminary Benjamin Franklin; but Ellis sees Washington’s restraint in this regard as “an integral part of the same rock-ribbed realism that had proved invaluable, indeed his trademark quality, as commander in chief and president” (p. 259).
His Excellency: George Washington shows us why a thoroughly human and imperfect George Washington can still be considered “primus inter pares, the Foundingest Father of them all” (p. xiv). As historian Ellis grew up in Alexandria, Virginia – where Washington is honored by a Masonic National Memorial that replicates the classical Pharos lighthouse of Alexandria, Egypt; where one can walk into Christ Church and sit down in the Washington pew where Washington worshipped -- perhaps this is the book that Ellis was born to write. It is a great work of biography.