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Basically this is the city of God in colloquial and epistle format.
“I myself asked one girl how she had come to be sold to the slave-traders. (She was among those freed by the efforts of our own church from this pitiful state of captivity.) She replied that she had been snatched from her parents’ house. I went on to ask whether the kidnappers had found her there on her own; she replied that they had done it when her parents and brothers were actually there. In fact, the brother who had come to fetch her was there too, and he explained to us—as she was quite small—how they had done it” (44).In this same letter, Augustine encloses an imperial law he thinks might check the sudden influx of slave traders around Hippo Regius. However, he is worried that the punishment prescribed by the law—beating with leaden whips—is too harsh, and therefore writes to Alypius, influential at Rome, to persuade the “Christian emperors” to publicize the law but exempt those prosecuted under it from such brutal treatment. The entire affair demonstrates Augustine’s deft political maneuvering, his moral opposition to cruel punishment, and his keen concern for the lives of everyday Christians. It is a remarkable letter that, in fact, only recently came to light.
“If so many unjust individuals within the one people of God did not make the prophets who witnessed against them like themselves; and if the mass of false brethren did not turn the apostle Paul into someone who sought what belonged to himself rather than to Christ Jesus, even though he was a member with them of a single church [cf. Gal. 2.4; 2 Cor. 11.26]; then it is obvious that a man is not made bad just because some bad person approaches Christ’s altar with him” (138).For Augustine, this axiom is self-explanatory. He understood that the Church welcomes questionable people into its ranks by virtue of its universal mission in the world. The goodness of this mission, however, does not slavishly depend upon the moral innocence of the Church’s members, not even its clergy. Augustine recognized the ineluctability of human failing, especially in himself. He was not prepared, like Pelagius, to spurn people from communion with God and fellow Catholics on the grounds that they were unable to obey God’s commands. When fault is known, of course, it should be condemned and corrected; but when it is not, “no one can be contaminated by the unknown crimes of unknown persons” (137). Thus, those Catholics in the East, for example, with no knowledge of the supposed crimes perpetrated by Catholic bishops during the Great Persecution, did not need to worry about the state of their souls. According to Augustine, the Donatists stood completely alone in their supposed purity.