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I get specific so I’ll put this under a spoiler. The short version is, I took quite a dislike to Alexander as here portrayed - he wasn’t a hero-figure for me. I thought, from an Alexander novel, what I want is a hero figure. But this turned out to quite interest me, with its ambivalence. I’d like to be more certain about the author’s intentions: I don’t suppose I was meant to take so against Alexander.
I was intrigued by the title, and in the end, it’s what most interests me. Alexander’s the spokesperson for the virtues learnt in war, and since we’re in Alexander’s head, he’s the one who gets to expatiate. (He does expatiate, too often he offers you a lesson. The set-up is he’s talking to a page, so you can feel talked-down to.) Pressfield titles his sections after these virtues: The Will to Fight, Love of Glory, Self-Command, Shame at Failure, Contempt for Death, Patience, An Instinct for the Kill, Love for One’s Comrades, Love for One’s Enemy. That looks schematic, and a bit too straightforward, and for ages I thought Alexander, and these virtues, and his belief in these virtues, went too uncriticised.
But then in ‘Love for One’s Comrades’ we’re in Babylon after the victory, where the corruptions of success set in, where he starts to become alienated from his soldiers, at odds with his officers; and this section culminates with Alexander’s assassination of his old comrade Parmenio, on pragmatic grounds that – as written here – only sickened me. So why is this section titled ‘Love for One’s Comrades’? Unless Pressfield orders randomly, and I won’t accuse an author of that unless I have to… is this irony?
The last section, ‘Love for One’s Enemies’ is set in India and… I have to say, of peoples met in the East, I felt only India got treated not with love – that isn’t the question – but with respect. Alexander started to irk me after he was master of Persia, with his civilizing mission, that was too like later European civilizing missions. His soldiers had an honest contempt for Persia and its society, but I felt Alexander had a concealed contempt – underneath his pity for them, his wish to grace them with Greek culture. I know these attitudes were Greek. But in these cases, I crave for an indication from the author, that he sees above, that he’s aware his characters have Greek blinkers on. I didn’t feel sure of Pressfield on this point. Not when he has Darius’s mother agree with everything Alexander says. Wouldn’t she have more to say for her culture, more of a defence when Persian ways are set against the Greek? Next we went to Afghanistan, and I felt very much we only heard an ignorant outsider��s perspective – that is, Alexander’s. It’s made worse when, after a slew of insults, he claims, “I came, myself, to love them.” Maybe, but he didn’t come to respect them, and I’d like the chance to argue to him – nor to understand them. Throughout, there’s this: “In their stead we have free Afghan, Scythian, and Bactrian cohorts. Such tribesmen cannot be trained to fight like Europeans, but with their tattooed faces and panther skin-bedecked ponies, they add a dash of colour and savagery.” Okay, it’s more than possible that Alexander thought thus. And my only issue is, I wish to have an Alexander who was truly open to the foreign cultures he met – I like to think of him that way. And this Alexander annoys because he believes he’s being so great towards them, and so distinct from his ignorant soldiers.
This sentence – though not about his attitudes to the East – sort of captures how and why he annoys me: “Most gratifying of this battle’s issue was its affording of an occasion for magnanimity.”
But in these late stages of the book Alexander is subjected to question. From Hephaestion, who gives a (simplistic perhaps) anti-war speech, declares “I have come to hate war” and critiques the title of the whole: “Or shall we cite Achilles and say we emulate the virtues of war? Rubbish! Any virtue carried to an extreme becomes a vice.” Then we have the soldiers’ revolt, refusal to go further. In this telling, I felt the soldiers’ spokesperson made sense, I was sympathetic. When Alexander shamed this part of his army into a change of heart, I thought, these tactics of humiliation wouldn’t have worked on me.
At last, in India, about its religious sages, we hear the statement – from Hephaestion – “These are not barbarians, Thessalus.” Although I’m afraid he goes on, “They are not slavish, as Babylonians, or idolatrous, as the men of Egypt.” And an old old comrade of Alexander’s joins the sages to find a life after soldiering, and we are left with an image of Alexander as limited by that creed or fact that begins the book: “I have always been soldier.”
A note for those who want to know. In Alexander’s own words: “And let me put this plain, for those of a depraved cast of mind” – there’s nothing physical between him and Hephaestion. Pressfield’s Alexander has a discomfort with the idea.
I was intrigued by the title, and in the end, it’s what most interests me. Alexander’s the spokesperson for the virtues learnt in war, and since we’re in Alexander’s head, he’s the one who gets to expatiate. (He does expatiate, too often he offers you a lesson. The set-up is he’s talking to a page, so you can feel talked-down to.) Pressfield titles his sections after these virtues: The Will to Fight, Love of Glory, Self-Command, Shame at Failure, Contempt for Death, Patience, An Instinct for the Kill, Love for One’s Comrades, Love for One’s Enemy. That looks schematic, and a bit too straightforward, and for ages I thought Alexander, and these virtues, and his belief in these virtues, went too uncriticised.
But then in ‘Love for One’s Comrades’ we’re in Babylon after the victory, where the corruptions of success set in, where he starts to become alienated from his soldiers, at odds with his officers; and this section culminates with Alexander’s assassination of his old comrade Parmenio, on pragmatic grounds that – as written here – only sickened me. So why is this section titled ‘Love for One’s Comrades’? Unless Pressfield orders randomly, and I won’t accuse an author of that unless I have to… is this irony?
The last section, ‘Love for One’s Enemies’ is set in India and… I have to say, of peoples met in the East, I felt only India got treated not with love – that isn’t the question – but with respect. Alexander started to irk me after he was master of Persia, with his civilizing mission, that was too like later European civilizing missions. His soldiers had an honest contempt for Persia and its society, but I felt Alexander had a concealed contempt – underneath his pity for them, his wish to grace them with Greek culture. I know these attitudes were Greek. But in these cases, I crave for an indication from the author, that he sees above, that he’s aware his characters have Greek blinkers on. I didn’t feel sure of Pressfield on this point. Not when he has Darius’s mother agree with everything Alexander says. Wouldn’t she have more to say for her culture, more of a defence when Persian ways are set against the Greek? Next we went to Afghanistan, and I felt very much we only heard an ignorant outsider��s perspective – that is, Alexander’s. It’s made worse when, after a slew of insults, he claims, “I came, myself, to love them.” Maybe, but he didn’t come to respect them, and I’d like the chance to argue to him – nor to understand them. Throughout, there’s this: “In their stead we have free Afghan, Scythian, and Bactrian cohorts. Such tribesmen cannot be trained to fight like Europeans, but with their tattooed faces and panther skin-bedecked ponies, they add a dash of colour and savagery.” Okay, it’s more than possible that Alexander thought thus. And my only issue is, I wish to have an Alexander who was truly open to the foreign cultures he met – I like to think of him that way. And this Alexander annoys because he believes he’s being so great towards them, and so distinct from his ignorant soldiers.
This sentence – though not about his attitudes to the East – sort of captures how and why he annoys me: “Most gratifying of this battle’s issue was its affording of an occasion for magnanimity.”
But in these late stages of the book Alexander is subjected to question. From Hephaestion, who gives a (simplistic perhaps) anti-war speech, declares “I have come to hate war” and critiques the title of the whole: “Or shall we cite Achilles and say we emulate the virtues of war? Rubbish! Any virtue carried to an extreme becomes a vice.” Then we have the soldiers’ revolt, refusal to go further. In this telling, I felt the soldiers’ spokesperson made sense, I was sympathetic. When Alexander shamed this part of his army into a change of heart, I thought, these tactics of humiliation wouldn’t have worked on me.
At last, in India, about its religious sages, we hear the statement – from Hephaestion – “These are not barbarians, Thessalus.” Although I’m afraid he goes on, “They are not slavish, as Babylonians, or idolatrous, as the men of Egypt.” And an old old comrade of Alexander’s joins the sages to find a life after soldiering, and we are left with an image of Alexander as limited by that creed or fact that begins the book: “I have always been soldier.”
A note for those who want to know. In Alexander’s own words: “And let me put this plain, for those of a depraved cast of mind” – there’s nothing physical between him and Hephaestion. Pressfield’s Alexander has a discomfort with the idea.