This is a beautifully written ethnographic account that delves into the reasons why and how the campesinos supported, if not joined, the FMLN.

Wood makes two particularly compelling claims. Firstly, she contends that insurgent support was mainly driven by moral outrage. This is an explicit criticism of the rational choice paradigm, which suggests that rational actors would not back an insurgency when they can "free ride" and obtain a public good like agrarian reform without any effort. However, Wood demonstrates that, despite great personal risk, the campesinos continued to support the FMLN even when they had the option to "free ride." She argues that the moral calculus of the campesinos was shaped not by changes in their welfare but by their exposure to liberation theology.

Secondly, Wood shows that participation in insurgent collective action is a transformative and empowering experience. The beliefs and behaviors of the insurgents and their supporters changed as they became more involved in the movement. This is evident in the political cultures that emerged after the conflict. She provides evidence that participants in the insurgency were relatively more committed to politics and social justice than non-participants.

This book exemplifies the significant contributions that ethnographic research can make to political science. Moreover, her empathy and respect for the campesinos are undeniable. Academia would be a better and kinder place if all researchers treated their "subjects" with such regard. My only minor critiques are that I wish she had been a little more systematic in her historical analysis and that she had provided a more substantial argument about the generalizability of her argument. Nevertheless, anyone interested in insurgency, social movements, and civil wars should read this excellent book.

This is a detailed account of the El Salvadoran civil war, featuring in-depth interviews with participants from all sides and at various participation levels of the war.

One of the most interesting details was the use of Bible studies, centering on liberation theology, in recruiting insurgents. However, the book is not entirely satisfying as an account of collective action.

Wood correctly notes that there are numerous variables influencing a person's decision to participate or contribute to high-risk collective action. It's refreshing to see someone model it as a coordination game, as opposed to the often-used prisoners' dilemma. She also adds other-regarding and community-dependent values such as defiance and agency to the list of factors.

But at the end of the book, I'm still left pondering how much these additional elements contribute to other models of collective action. The implication that people will contribute more to a collective action if they like the act of contributing seems rather obvious.

Rather than rejecting more material explanations, network explanations, or class-based explanations (which may not be all that different from the others), this book simply adds an epicycle to the traditional rational choice theory of collective action. The ending model in the appendix posits just two "types" of agents, one with intrinsic motivations and one that only considers material payoffs, which isn't much different from looking at Bayesian games in traditional game theory.

Overall, while the book offers some interesting insights, it leaves room for further exploration and refinement in understanding collective action during the El Salvadoran civil war.

It took a considerable amount of time to thoroughly understand this work.

While I cannot profess to have a complete grasp of the geographical aspect of the civil war in El Salvador, it is evident that this is a work of significant importance within the literatures on civil war, social movements, and the social sciences in general.

Elizabeth Wood skillfully utilizes her identity as a political scientist who has delved into anthropology to present a narrative that is rich in interpretive details and strong in its conclusions.

The end result is a remarkable portrayal of the interaction between macro- and meso-level opportunities, organizational strategies, and micro-level emotional and familial processes.

If there is one thing I would have liked, it would be more focus on the relational level and less concern with the minutiae of Mancur Olson-ian rational choice.

Nonetheless, "Insurgent collective action" rightfully earns its place in the canonical literature on political violence, alongside Stefan Malthaner's "Mobilizing the faithful" and della Porta's "Social Movements, Political Violence and the State."

This book is truly better than most reads for graduate school.

It offers valuable insights from a leader in the field, which makes it an essential resource for students.

The author's writing style is engaging and well-structured, making it easy to follow and understand.

Each chapter presents a different aspect of the subject matter, with clear explanations and real-world examples.

Moreover, the book covers a wide range of topics, ensuring that readers gain a comprehensive understanding of the field.

Overall, this is a worthwhile read that will not only enhance your knowledge but also inspire you to think critically and independently.

Whether you are a new graduate student or a seasoned researcher, this book is sure to provide you with the tools and inspiration you need to succeed in your academic and professional pursuits.

Highly recommended!

This book has been referenced in a few previous reads.

However, I didn't obtain as much from it as I had anticipated.

A significant portion of it is dedicated to the details of the Salvadoran civil war.

Since I have no prior background in this regard, it is difficult for me to assess.

The writing style is dense and highly academic.

I'm not certain what I can easily generalize based on the ethnographic treatment presented here.

Much of the theory appears to revolve around a kind of self-actualization process.

In this process, insurgent supporters come to recognize the value of participation, respond defiantly to counterinsurgent excesses, and derive solidarity or pleasure from their involvement in other groups.

But the book also acknowledges that the presence of liberation theology political networks before the war (which is the most interesting part of the book to me, yet very under-explored in the text) or the control of insurgents versus the state (more clearly discussed in Kalyvas) was often more predictive of whether these motivations would translate into mobilization.

I was sometimes distracted while reading this and never fully engaged with the text.

So, it's possible that I need to give this book a second chance at some point.

Landless peasants, known as campesinos in El Salvador, supported a revolutionary movement despite the fact that they were aware there would be no material gain for them. If the insurgency triumphed, the land on which they lived but did not own would be distributed to all, regardless of their participation or lack thereof in the struggle. However, they did so at a significant potential cost to themselves and their families, as the Army and the death squads targeted anyone even suspected of being in favor of the rebellion.

This phenomenon does not conform to any of the accepted explanations for rural activism in the face of state power. The FMLN, the main guerrilla organization, was unable to provide safe areas for its supporters. There was little class consciousness in the traditional sense; the campesinos desired freedom and land but did not view themselves as a class that should control the means of production that generated wealth for their rulers. Liberation theology, with its tenet that social justice was God's will, had not truly taken root in El Salvador, especially after the murder of Oscar Romero.

Wood, a meticulous researcher and a masterful prose stylist, discovered that "moral commitment and emotional engagement were the principal reasons" for the successful collective action by unorganized and generally illiterate peasants and agricultural laborers.

This is an important and, despite its unquestioned scholarly quality, deeply moving book. With an ABD in physics at Berkeley followed by a PhD in political science at Stanford and tenured appointments first at NYU and then at Yale, Wood has met all the academic requirements. However, it is evident that she has a great deal of empathy and respect for the campesinos whose actions are the focus of this work.

The Salvadoran civil war was one of the bloodiest and most public conflicts in the Americas. Men and women were publicly shot dead by uniformed soldiers or identifiable death squad members (referred to as "unofficial security forces" by those with a macabre sense of humor). Corpses were left in the streets or at crossroads as a reminder that no one was safe and that the forces of the state operated with impunity. The Air Force was even used to bomb neighborhoods in San Salvador, the capital, in what may have been an unprecedented display of indiscriminate force against potential enemies.

Yet, within this hell of fear and violence, thousands of rural residents of a very poor country came together to act for social change and opened the door for democracy in El Salvador.